At
first, it has been explained that theories and policies of contemporary
equality in the world actually tend to concentrate on problems related to
political and cultural inequality. They don't concentrate on the issue of
inequality in distributional products and goods. And the ones who are
considered as unequal are disabled, ethnic minorities, religious minorities,
lesbians and gays, and elderly etc. rather than poor people.
As
a result of this shift in understanding equality, a commitment to theorize and
pursue equality that celebrates and recognizes differences is formed. Even
though attempts for addressing inequalities in the economy have concentrated
traditionally on issues related with distribution, seeking to eliminate
differences that exist among individuals for saving their equality, efforts for
addressing political and cultural inequalities normally requires such
differences to be respected and recognized instead of being eroded or denied as
a precondition for saving their equal status.
Moving on, it has been explained
that a thorough survey of discussions concerning opportunity’s equality
supposes that there exist important differences and dissimilarities among
open-minded or liberal egalitarians. But there are also some exchanged assumptions
which concern the significance of the role of the market and individual choice
for making sure that distributions are fair which are challenged by the critics
of this study.
It
has been suggested by some critics that the account of equality of Dworkin has
been effective only because it combines the important matters concerned with
the anti-egalitarian right. It has been suggested by Armstrong that it
resonates and concentrated on the market with the neoliberal supposition of
competitiveness in terms of economy. It is ensured that liberal egalitarians
will choose the free market as the best authentic approach towards egalitarian
justice. It actually means that concern is maintained by them with financial
and material distributions instead of the distribution of status or power.
Further, in the chapter, it has been
explained that even though economic maldistribution has been focused upon by
equality theorists and cultural oppression has been focused upon by difference
theorists, the term ‘diversity theorists’ might be bestowed to those who
concentrate on political domination. Diversity theorists concentrate both on
the process which determines the simplification of equality and on political
participation’s equality.
Diversity
theorists that try to create a way beyond the equality issues which are
apparent as recognition or as redistribution, prod the significance of
democratic inclusion and political voice. For instance, it suggested by Bhikhu
Pareh that principles are required by redistribution for deciding just who is
responsible for making the needed claims, and that these principles actually
can be arrived only by democratic dialogues which seem to create them, provide
them legitimacy, and these their authenticity.
In the end, it has been summed up
that equality is majorly considered as a problem of domination, oppression, and
maldistribution. As maldistribution is focused upon primarily by liberal
egalitarianism, and cultural oppressions are addressed by politics of
recognition, the necessity of eradicating domination is engaged by the concepts
of democratic inclusion. The focus of theorist is shifted by this from just
attempting to simply the meaning of equality, to articulating the activities
while others may also participate in its simplification and definition.