Dr brenda j hampton md

Difference Matters

Second Edition

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Difference Matters

COMMUNICATING SOCIAL IDENTITY

Second Edition

Brenda J. Allen University of Colorado at Denver

WAVELAND

PRESS, INC. Long Grove, Illinois

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For information about this book, contact: Waveland Press, Inc. 4180 IL Route 83, Suite 101 Long Grove, IL 60047-9580 (847) 634-0081 info@waveland.com www.waveland.com

Copyright © 2011, 2004 by Waveland Press, Inc.

10-digit ISBN 1-57766-673-9 13-digit ISBN 978-1-57766-673-8

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher.

Printed in the United States of America

7 6 5 4 3 2 1

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• • • • • • • • • • • • • To my students,

who are also my teachers

• • • • • • • • • • • • •

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• • • • • • • • • • • • •

Contents

Preface xi

1 Difference and Other Important Matters 1 Difference Matters 4

Why Difference Matters 5 Obstacles to Valuing Difference 6

Communicating Social Identity 10 Communicating 10 Social Identity 11

About Me 16 Overview of the Book 18 Reflection Matters 20

2 Power Matters 23 Conceptions of Power 24

Power and Knowledge 27 Rules of Right 27

Control in Organizations 28 Concertive Control 29 Hegemony 30 Ideology 32

Communicating Power 35 Language 35 Everyday Talk 35 Physical Appearance 36

Conclusion 37 Reflection Matters 38

3 Gender Matters 41 What Is Gender? 42 Why Gender Matters 43

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viii Contents

Constructing Gender in the United States 43 Historical Overview of Ideological Perspectives 43 Challenging Traditional Messages 45

Gender and Divisions of Labor 47 The Role of Education 50 Power Dynamics and Gender 52

Language 52 Communication Differences 54

Communicating Gender in Organizations 56 Emotion(al) Labor 59 Transgender Issues 60

Conclusion 61 Reflection Matters 62

4 Race Matters 65 What Is Race? 66 Why Race Matters 67 Constructing Race in the United States 70 Race and Labor 78 Communicating Race 83

Everyday Interactions 83 Personnel Procedures 87

Conclusion 90 Reflection Matters 91

5 Social Class Matters 93 What Is Social Class? 95 Why Social Class Matters 98 Constructing Social Class in the United States 100

The Myth of a Classless Society 102 Social Class and Labor 103

Communicating Social Class 105 Educational Settings 105 Communicating Class at Work 108

Conclusion 111 Reflection Matters 112

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Contents ix

6 Sexuality Matters 115 What Is Sexuality and Why Does It Matter? 116 Constructing Sexuality in the United States 118

Colonial Views on Sexuality 118 Victorian Era–Early 1900s 119 Sexual Revolutions 120 Concepts of Homosexuality 122 Sexual Orientation 124

Acquiring Information about Sexuality 128 Communicating Sexuality in Organizations 128

Expressing Sexuality at Work 129 Romantic Relationships 131 Sexual Harassment 132

Conclusion 133 Reflection Matters 134

7 Ability Matters 137 Why Ability Matters 138 What Is Disability? 141 Constructing Disability in the United States 142

Industrial Revolution 143 Eugenics 144 Medical Model of Disability 145 Social Model of Disability 146 Disability Movements 146

Communicating Ability 149 Interability Interactions at Work 156 Promising Practices 157 Conclusion 158 Reflection Matters 159

8 Age Matters 161 What Is Age? 162 Why Age Matters 163 Constructing Age in the United States 166

Concepts and Attitudes about Old Age 166 Concepts and Attitudes about Children 167 Birth Cohorts 169 Does Aging Mean Decline? 170

Communicating Age 171 Intergenerational Communication 171

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Communicating Age in Organizations 176 Hierarchies and Age Roles 176 Age Discrimination 177 Positive Aspects of Intergenerational Mixing 178

Conclusion 179 Reflection Matters 180

9 Communicating Social Identity 183 Difference Matters 183 Social Identities Are Social Constructions 184 Power Matters 184 Communication Rules! 185 Recommendations 185

Be Mindful 186 Be Proactive 189 Fill Your Communication Toolbox 194

Conclusion 197 Reflection Matters 197

Chapter Endnotes 199 Index 223

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• • • • • • • • • • • • •

Preface

Difference Matters: Communicating Social Identity describes and analyzes six categories of social identity that currently matter in the United States: gender, race, social class, ability, sexuality, and age. I explain how and why differ- ences within and between those categories matter. Throughout the book, I stress how communication helps constitute social identity, and I explore rela- tionships between social identity, discourse, and power dynamics. To illus- trate impacts of social identity issues, I offer overviews of historical developments. I also focus on various contexts, with an emphasis on organi- zations because they are prime sites of social identity construction.

Difference Matters is appropriate for communication courses or training programs that cover any or all of the six social identity categories that I explore, and for any curricula that delve into topics such as diversity, multicul- turalism, and intercultural communication. Because I highlight how humans enact difference within organizations, the book is especially appropriate for organizational communication courses at undergraduate and graduate levels. However, many other disciplines also can benefit from perspectives on com- municating difference, including business administration, human resources management, organizational behavior, education, sociology, ethnic studies, gender studies, media studies, disability studies, industrial psychology, health behavioral sciences, political science, and social psychology.

While developing this text, I considered my experiences with students who struggled with learning about theories, and who wanted to cut to the chase to learn information and skills for their everyday lives. I also remem- bered that students tend to prefer texts that are comprehensive, but easy to understand, and that make connections to the real world. This book honors those concerns while also covering theoretical perspectives that matter to most instructors. I employ an interactive style and share stories from my life to clar- ify some of my points. I hope that the content and approach of this book meet the needs of students and instructors alike. To assist instructors and enhance students’ learning, I have developed a Web site that contains ideas and resources for teaching difference matters: http://www.differencematters.info.

For this second edition of Difference Matters, I have updated statistics, incorporated recent research, and cited more examples of intersections of

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xii Preface

social identities. I also have provided new spotlights on media. In addition, I include tools throughout the text to help you to apply what you’re learning.

Acknowledgments This project was underway for several years, well before I realized that I

should write a book on difference matters. During that time, many people offered invaluable inspiration, guidance, and support. Although I never can adequately express my gratitude, I wish to acknowledge their contributions.

Countless students (who also were/are my teachers) were fundamental to the first edition of this book. Among those, I especially recognize Heidi Burgett, Margarita Olivas, Karen Ashcraft, and Jennifer Simpson for exhibit- ing passion and commitment to learning and teaching difference matters. They also gave me invaluable feedback as the book project unfolded. In addi- tion, research assistant Aaron Dimock located a wealth of literature that extended my scope of knowledge about social identity groups.

Many of my colleague-friends read and responded to portions of the manuscript and/or directed me to important information sources. Their input helped to deepen and strengthen the book. A million thanks to Patrice Buzzanell, Karen Tracy, George Cheney, Mark Orbe, Terry Rowden, Jim Barker, Jim Cohn, Dawn Braithwaite, Diane Grimes, Sally Thee, Omar Swartz, Phil Tompkins, Patrick Johnson, Deborah Burgess, Ralph Smith, Brett Anderson, Kurt Nordstrom, and Anna Spradlin.

A special thanks to Deborah Borisoff at New York University for extend- ing the first invitation for me to present a guest talk about difference matters. I also am grateful to other departments and universities that invited me to present my work, including Arizona State University, Western Michigan Uni- versity, the University of Utah, Wooster College, Colorado State University- Pueblo, Loyola Marymount University, Creighton University, the University of Texas-Austin, St. Edward’s University, and my alma mater, Howard University.

Last in a long list of colleagues, but particularly pivotal to the completion of this project, Sonja K. Foss was instrumental from inception through publi- cation of this book. I owe her a deep debt of gratitude.

When the publishers invited me to write a second edition, I was honored and humbled. I have been pleased with positive responses to the book, and gratified to have a second opportunity to delve into difference matters. I am extremely grateful to Ryann Dubiel and Julian Long for their research assis- tance for this second edition. Thanks also to Jennifer Blair, Seema Kapani, and Tre Wentling for invaluable insights.

I also greatly appreciate Jeni Ogilvie for providing fabulous editing expertise for both editions. This book is much better than it would have been without her wise and warm counsel.

Finally, thanks to my soul mate and life partner, Theodis Hall, for his steadfast support as well as his practical perspectives on difference matters.

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1

• • • • • • • •Chapter 1

Difference and Other Important Matters

During a summer break, I exchanged pleasant e-mails with a student I had never met named Jason1 who wanted to enroll in a critical thinking course I would be teaching in the fall. A few weeks into the class, while we were discussing how assumptions affect critical thinking, Jason confessed that when he first saw me, he was shocked that I’m black.2 He had assumed I would be white. And, he questioned his reaction: “Does that mean I’m rac- ist?” I assured him his response did not necessarily mean he was racist. After all, few minority professors were employed at the university. And, through- out Jason’s education, none of his teachers had been black. Plus, we rarely see black women teachers or scholars on TV, in films, or in textbooks. (Have you?) So, Jason understandably was not prepared to encounter a black female college professor. His reaction to me was a good example of how we usually don’t even realize we’ve assumed anything until something contradicts that assumption. Referring to points we had covered about critical thinking, the class and I concluded that Jason’s assumption was logical.

I also assumed things about Jason. I figured he would be a young white male, based on his first name and the university’s predominantly white, tradi- tional college-aged student population. I would have been surprised if he had been a female, older, or any race except white. I hadn’t even considered these subconscious expectations until Jason told me how he reacted to me.

This story implies several matters related to difference and communicat- ing that this book addresses. First, we tend to expect certain types of people to be in certain roles. To see how this tendency works, slowly read the follow- ing list of roles, or better yet, have someone else read it to you. Notice the image that comes to your mind for each:

secretary welfare recipient CEO plastic surgeon soldier female impersonator hair stylist gang member janitor flight attendant minister doctor

Chapter 1

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2 Chapter One

professional basketball player gardener hotel maid special education student manager mail carrier news anchor chemist elementary school teacher hip-hop artist interior decorator nurse

For each of these, you probably pictured someone with a combination of social identities such as gender, race, social class, age, sexuality, religion, and ability status (with or without some type of disability). I think most people in the United States probably would see similar images for each role. Why do you think people might come up with comparable images?

We often expect certain individuals to play certain roles based on a rela- tionship between context and expectations. Jason and I met one another in the late twentieth century at a predominantly white university in Colorado, where I was one of only three black women professors. I also was the first person of color on the faculty in the department where the course was offered. That context helped to shape Jason’s expectations, and mine.

My story implies another point: when we interact with people, we often draw on what we expect and assume about the groups they represent to form our attitudes and to direct our behaviors. For instance, we might depend on stereotypes, oversimplified preconceptions and generalizations about mem- bers of social groups “that provide meaning and organize perceptions, infer- ences, and judgments about persons identified as belonging to a particular social category.”3 Jason might have assumed I was an affirmative action employee, a token hired only because I am black and female, not because I am qualified and competent. He might have expected me not to be intelligent or capable of being a professor. He also could have anticipated that I would be nurturing or aggressive. He might have unconsciously gotten these notions from a variety of sources (including the media, his family, peers, and teachers) that depict black women in stereotypical ways, for instance, as a Mammy/ caretaker or as loud-mouthed and sassy.4 Likewise, I could have drawn on negative media stereotypes of white male college students to conclude that Jason would not be a serious student. I could have presumed he was inter- ested only in partying and doing the minimum amount of work. I might even have thought he would be prejudiced against me because I am black.

In addition to depending on insights from various sources to infer mean- ing about each other, Jason and I might have relied on our personal experi- ences with (similar) different persons. I could have reminded him of a black female coworker, or he may have resembled any number of smart, sincere white male students I have taught. We will explore these and related issues about expectations, including how and why we routinely rely on assumptions and stereotypes when we interact with others.

Another reason we might suppose that certain persons occupy particular roles (as well as the fact that certain types of persons actually do tend to occupy particular roles) stems from a complex history in the United States of

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Difference and Other Important Matters 3

systemic, socially reproduced inequities. For instance, the history of racial and gender discrimination in the United States helps explain the dispropor- tionately low number of black women faculty in universities. We will explore many of these inequities as well as factors in history that help to create, main- tain, challenge, and change them.

In addition to highlighting issues related to roles, social identity, and expectations, my story reveals a common misunderstanding of the meaning of “-isms” such as racism, sexism, heterosexism, ageism, ableism, and classism. Jason’s concern about being racist illustrates a tendency to consider -isms sim- ply as characteristics of a “bad person.” As organizational communication scholar Jennifer Simpson observes, “This thinking, however, tends to keep the focus on -isms as individual behaviors that result from internally located meanings.”5 This attitude neglects larger, systemic forces that contribute to discrimination and prejudice. Throughout the book, we will delve into these and related issues.

My story also illustrates the value of critical thinking skills for reflecting on difference matters. Critical thinking helps you to “distinguish between fact and opinion; ask questions; make detailed observations; uncover assump- tions and define their terms; and make assertions based on sound logic and solid evidence.”6 I encourage you to improve your critical thinking skills as we explore difference matters.

A final issue raised in the story is that people rarely talk openly about top- ics like race or racism in mixed racial groups. Is that true for you? Why or why not? In my experience, these topics often are difficult to discuss or even acknowledge in mixed company. They may arouse uncomfortable responses, such as anxiety, fear, shame, guilt, anger, frustration, hostility, or confusion. However, under the right circumstances, thinking and talking about these top- ics can enlighten and empower us. When we explore and express our thoughts, feelings, and experiences, we might understand ourselves, as well as others, better. We also might be more likely to enjoy effective, open communication with one another. Jason shared his concerns with me because he felt safe in our classroom. I took his question seriously, and I responded by referring to concepts we were studying in our critical thinking class. We had a productive discussion about assumptions, expectations, identity, and communication. That classroom moment marked a turning point in my career as a scholar.

Additional teaching/learning experiences with students, colleagues, friends, and family encouraged me to focus my teaching and research on social identity and interaction. Eventually, I gained enough information and confidence to write this book. I hope to offer insight that helps people of diverse social identities to communicate positively and productively within various contexts.

In this chapter, I set the stage for the rest of the book. I clarify why differ- ence matters, after which I explain concepts that underpin the book. Then, I provide an overview of the rest of the book. To conclude, I will tell you a bit more about myself because I want you to have a sense of me as a real person.

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4 Chapter One

First, though, let me explain the title of the book, beginning with the phrase, “Difference Matters.”

Difference Matters I got the idea for the book’s title from a critically acclaimed book entitled

Race Matters.7 However, in addition to race, I discuss other categories of social identity. For our purposes, difference8 refers to a characteristic of identity such as gender, race, or age. Although people frequently use the word “diversity” for such distinctions, I prefer “difference” because it aligns better with my focus. As sociologist Richard Jenkins explains: “the notion of identity simul- taneously establishes two possible relations of comparison between persons or things: similarity, on the one hand, and difference, on the other.”9 He elabo- rates: “similarity and difference are the dynamic principles of identity, the heart of social life.”10 If we think about similarity and difference as labels on a continuum:

similarity difference

we might recognize that as we perceive differences between people, we also can see similarities. This perspective on identity also helps us avoid the ten- dency to separate things into either/or categories. I mean, is there anyone else in the world who is exactly the same as you, or who is totally different from you? So, our look at difference will consider how humans vary in gender, race, class, ability, sexuality, and age. Religion and nationality are also very important social identity categories. However, due to their broad scope and the space constraints of this text, I mention these identity categories through- out the text rather than in separate chapters.

As we consider each social identity category, we will investigate implica- tions for members of dominant and nondominant groups. Dominant groups tend to have more economic and cultural power than nondominant groups, who tend to have less economic and cultural power. This perspective on iden- tity deviates from how people tend to conceptualize difference by focusing only on the nondominant category. For instance, when you think of difference in terms of sexual orientation, what comes to your mind first, straight (hetero- sexual) or gay (homosexual)? I would be surprised if you said, “straight” or “heterosexual.” What about race? If I said we were going to discuss difference and race, most people would think about blacks or people of color rather than whites or Caucasians. Why does this tend to happen? Usually, “different” refers to how an individual or a group varies from, or compares to, the unspo- ken norm of the dominant group. For example, gender often is defined by equating gender with femaleness/women, which can preclude thinking of males/men as gendered. Please understand that, in this book, “difference” refers simply to ways that each of us can vary from one another. We will delve into how we humans differ, and we will explore ways that those differences matter.

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Difference and Other Important Matters 5

How do you define “matter”? As a verb, it means to be important, to be of consequence, to count, as in “Your opinion matters to me.” As a noun, it means something of concern: “What’s the matter?” Applying those two defi- nitions of “matter,” we will: (1) explore the idea that difference counts (it matters), and (2) examine a variety of important concerns or issues (matters) related to difference. As the title indicates, we will focus on relationships between social identity differences and communicating. Before I discuss the second part of the title (Communicating Social Identity), I need to explain why difference matters enough for me to have written this book.

Why Difference Matters Although people in the United States are alike in many ways, we need to

think about how we differ, for several related reasons. First, U.S. society is changing. We are experiencing an increase in numbers of persons of color, elderly citizens, and people with disabilities. Perhaps you have heard some of the projections: by the year 2030, Hispanics, blacks, Asians, and other racial- ethnic minorities will account for one-third of the population. In addition, age will become more of a factor as baby boomers (people born between 1946 and 1964) like me become elders. For the first time in history, four different age generations comprise the workforce. This change can affect communica- tion processes because members of each age cohort or group tend to have dif- fering experiences, values, and interests.

As demographics change, some social identity groups and their allies have become more vocal about rights and recognition in the workforce and other sectors of society. For instance, in 1990, due in large part to social activists, Congress passed the Americans with Disabilities Act, which legislates equal access and employment opportunities for persons with disabilities. More recently, the Employment Non-Discrimination Act of 2007 (ENDA), seeks to protect employees from discrimination based on actual or perceived sexual orientation. Consequently, some organizations fear lawsuits or boycotts.

Changing demographics, increasing demands for equal access and opportunity, and fear of lawsuits or boycotts have made difference (usually called “diversity”) a hot topic. Many types of organizations (from national and international corporations to government agencies to public and/or pri- vate universities) have responded with various strategies. To be competitive and to prevent charges of discrimination, organizations are striving to value diversity. Many of them are providing diversity training programs or work- shops to help their members understand and address diversity issues to build stronger organizational communities. They also are implementing formal programs to hire, retain, mentor, and promote members of nondominant groups. Some organizations customize marketing and advertising to appeal to various groups, for example, by advertising products and services in Span- ish as well as English. Institutions of higher education fund initiatives and programs to recruit and retain diverse faculty and students and to establish multicultural curricula. Many colleges and universities now require each stu-

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6 Chapter One

dent to take at least one course that concentrates on some aspect of “diver- sity.” Have you experienced any of these?

These and other initiatives can yield important benefits. Potential rewards of valuing difference include increased creativity, productivity, and profitability; enhanced public relations; improved product and service qual- ity; and higher job satisfaction.11 If organizations deal effectively with differ- ence and embrace it as a positive force rather than as something to be shunned or feared, they can optimize accomplishing their goals. For exam- ple, organizations may broaden their markets and increase profits when they seek and incorporate input from members of diverse groups.

Equally as important (if not more so), when we value differences, we can help to fulfill the United States credo of liberty and justice for all. And, we can enhance our lives. My life certainly is enriched because I enjoy relation- ships with many different types of family members, friends, students, and col- leagues. If we take time and care to think and talk about difference, we might have productive and enjoyable interactions with one another across our dif- ferences. Unfortunately, however, numerous obstacles can block attempts to understand and value difference. These obstacles further reinforce the point that difference matters.

Obstacles to Valuing Difference As I noted earlier, difference is a difficult, challenging topic. Efforts to

address difference can arouse negative feelings from members of nondomi- nant and dominant groups. Nondominant group members, such as women, persons of color, homosexuals, and persons with disabilities, as well as per- sons affiliated with certain religious groups or from particular ethnic back- grounds, may feel singled out during discussions about groups with which they identity. Students of color in predominantly white classrooms often feel pressured to represent “their” group when the class discusses race. Nondomi- nant group members also may feel frustrated during diversity training ses- sions because members of dominant groups seem apathetic or hostile to them. They may appear to minimize concerns of nondominant groups, or accuse them of whining or being too sensitive.

At the same time, members of dominant groups, including men, white people, heterosexuals, and persons who do not have disabilities, may believe that nondominant group members are exaggerating. Because dominant group members may not have had similar experiences, they may downplay issues that matter to nondominant persons. Also, some dominant group members may resent the attention they think nondominant groups are receiv- ing when the topic of diversity arises in the workplace.

Dominant group members may feel uncomfortable during diversity training or teaching sessions. Males sometimes feel like they are being attacked when the topic of “male domination” arises. White males may resent feeling blamed for the “sins of the father,” such as blatant discrimina- tion against blacks in early U.S. history: white male students have told me

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Difference and Other Important Matters 7

they were not guilty of those racist acts. Some people may not speak their true thoughts or feelings because they worry that others will perceive them to be sexist, racist, homophobic, or otherwise prejudiced against other groups. Dominant group members may feel threatened because they fear that includ- ing minorities means excluding majorities. For instance, some white people believe that initiatives like affirmative action give minority racial group mem- bers unfair advantages; they think that employers hire and promote minori- ties for their group-based identity rather than their individual qualifications, such as education and expertise. As people compete for jobs, changes such as downsizing, mergers, and layoffs help to compound these attitudes. As you will see, times of economic distress tend to heighten conflict between domi- nant and nondominant groups, with members of the dominant group often feeling more entitled.

Societal norms and tendencies also hinder efforts to deal with difference. Norms about political correctness12 may block members of all groups from expressing themselves, as might fear of lawsuits or other reactions. Such obstacles can increase resentment. A strong norm in our society to appear objective and rational, rather than revealing our emotions, may further obstruct openness to engaging difference matters. Also, because society teaches us to “stick with” our own groups, some people might resist trying to understand or accept other groups due to fear that their group members might shun or criticize them. They may be concerned that someone from their in-group will accuse them of being inauthentic or not true to their roots.

Another norm in our society drives us to define ourselves in opposition to others, which may invite a chain reaction: “my sense of myself is built on my ability to distinguish myself from you; therefore I value the ways in which I am different from you; therefore I begin to devalue the traits that make you distinct from me.”13 This view of oneself and others can become self-perpetu- ating and hard to change. An individual may struggle with anticipated conse- quences of viewing “different” people in positive ways. She or he may feel a false need to surrender a positive sense of self in exchange for viewing an “other” more positively. For instance, a heterosexual man may feel that his manhood would be threatened if he responded favorably to a gay person or if he advocated gay rights.

I referred earlier to another tendency that can affect attitudes toward dif- ference: Members of both nondominant and dominant groups may uncon- sciously connect “difference” with nondominant groups. They may view the social identity category as the defining and potentially constraining charac- teristic of members of nondominant groups. This attitude can divide groups and place undue responsibility for dealing with difference on one group more than another. For instance, a black male human resources director objected to allowing a white man to chair an employee diversity committee, based on the “principle” of assigning the position to someone who does not represent a minority group. He assumed that only a person of color should be in that role. The white man’s qualifications and interest in the position did not seem

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8 Chapter One

to matter. When I presented a seminar on difference and communication as an invited guest of a communication department, only women attended; a white male professor was overheard saying to a white male colleague, “That’s women’s work.” These examples illustrate the premise that difference is the domain only of nondominant groups and that members of nondominant groups should limit themselves to roles and issues related to their groups. This perspective also insinuates that members of nondominant groups are not qualified to do anything else. Furthermore, this mind-set can discourage majority group members from getting involved in difference matters because they might feel alienated and/or defensive.

Not only do attitudes about difference tend to focus on the nondominant “other,” but they also tend to dichotomize and polarize social identity groups. That is, they often divide social identity groups into two, opposing categories. Reducing identities to two “opposites” simplifies complex con- structions of social identity. Consequently, one is forced to identify oneself or someone else as “either/or.” For instance, discourse about race often focuses on or implies blacks and whites. Denoting these racial groups as polar oppo- sites may compel members of other categories to identify as either white or non-white, and to feel excluded or marginalized. A similar dynamic operates for sexuality (i.e., heterosexual or not).

Related to the tendency to categorize groups into polar opposites is the tendency to identify others and ourselves in limited, simplistic ways. We often fail to acknowledge that social identities are complex and multifaceted. We reduce a person to one or two identity labels, without considering the complex nature of everyone’s identity. When I ask students to describe them- selves only by listing three social identity groups they belong to, they feel frustrated. They know themselves to be so much more than three categories could ever portray. Yet, when we talk about this, they confess to perceiving other persons—especially those who seem “different”—in terms of only one or two facets of identity. Combined with the impulse and the expectation to align with one’s “own” group, this tendency to see a person strictly as repre- senting one or two social identity groups can diminish the possibility that the persons will try to get to know one another. These attitudes also can increase the likelihood of conflict between individuals from different groups.

Many people do not believe that difference deserves attention, and/or they view it as significant only in extreme cases. Some persons view differ- ence as noteworthy only when an individual or a group commits blatant, overt acts of discrimination or hate, such as physical assault or murder, against a member of a nondominant group. Because we have made signifi- cant strides in dealing with various -isms, many people believe that U.S. soci- ety has overcome discrimination, despite evidence to the contrary. They do not understand that prejudice, discrimination, and stereotypes infuse our everyday interactions, often in subtle ways.

As I have explained, a complex set of barriers may prevent progress toward valuing differences between and among social identity groups.

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Difference and Other Important Matters 9

Throughout the book, I employ several strategies for addressing these obsta- cles. I provide information and data from a variety of scholarly sources to dis- prove myths and clarify assumptions about difference matters. I also share examples of how to value and negotiate differences, and I recommend ways to deal with difficult situations. Because I understand that difference matters can be difficult, controversial, and sensitive, I speak with you in the first per- son, and sometimes I share my personal experiences. I acknowledge potential challenges that anyone might face, sometimes by confessing my own strug- gles. So, rather than take the typical approach of a textbook author who offers only rational, objective information, at times I reveal my emotions and thoughts to help you understand what I’m saying, and to model ways that you might process your thoughts and feelings.

To try to ease any concern you might have about negating your own identity because of the tendency to define self in opposition to others, I

Mindfulness

Become more mindful difference matters. What does being “mindful” mean? When you are mindful, you actively process information, you are open to new ideas and insights, and you are sensitive to context.14 Also, mindfulness is “a heightened state of involvement and wakefulness or being in the present.”15 In other words, being mindful requires you to observe yourself in the process of thinking.16 Put even more simply, being mindful means thinking about what you’re thinking about. Becoming more mindful can help you become more sensitive to your environment, more open to new information, more conscious of how and what you perceive, and more aware of multiple perspectives for solving problems.17

To be more mindful about difference matters, notice and question how you categorize and characterize others. Try to notice when you are relying on stereotypes and prejudices about social identity groups. When you meet someone different than you, be aware of which social identity cues you highlight, and remember that each person embodies a complex set of social identities. Monitor your thoughts and feelings related to other people based on their gender, race, age, and so forth, including people who belong to the same groups as you. Cultivate curiosity about how you and others con- struct and perform social identities. Also pay attention to how you per- ceive that others are responding to you. Look for ways that you are guilty of TUI (Thinking Under the Influence) of dominant belief systems or stereo- types, and try to restructure your thoughts.

To really develop this tool, improve your critical thinking skills. Con- sider taking a course or referring to books or Web sites on critical thinking. Please see my Web site [www.differencematters.info] for links to critical thinking sites.

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To ol

No . 1

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• To ol

No . 1

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10 Chapter One

encourage you to define yourself in more complex ways. I invite you to reflect on how matters of difference affect and have affected your life, to become curious about how you became the person you are. I encourage you to recog- nize how multifaceted you are, because exploring yourself can help you to acknowledge and appreciate the complex identities of others.

To conclude, difference matters for a variety of reasons, including chang- ing demographics, increasing demands for equality, and a related heightened interest in diversity. Although numerous obstacles might delay our progress toward valuing difference, the promise of benefits should motivate us to hur- dle or remove those barriers. Now that I have explained why difference mat- ters, next I introduce other matters that inform the remainder of the book, as implied in the second part of the title.

Communicating Social Identity

Communicating Our study of difference (and similarity!) centers on communication. I use

the verb form, communicating, to refer to the dynamic nature of processes that humans use to produce, interpret, and share meaning. These processes are complex, continuous, and contextual. And, they constitute our social real- ity.18 To understand how communicating helps to create reality, we will explore factors related to how we communicate social identity. We will con- sider how various sources provide implicit and explicit messages about com- munication styles and norms of social identity groups and dominant beliefs (including stereotypes) related to social identity groups. We will focus on dis- course, “systems of texts and talk that range from public to private and from naturally occurring to mediated forms.”19 We will investigate how discourse helped to construct social identity throughout the history of the United States. We also will review changing meanings of discourse related to social identity groups, and their impacts. For instance, varying meanings of femi- ninity and masculinity have affected policy in medicine, law, and education. Throughout the book, we will explore ways that discourse “produces, main- tains, and/or resists systems of power and inequality,”20 especially as related to social identity. We will consider matters related to communicating social identity within and across a variety of contexts in the United States, where structural circumstances have varied widely across history.

We will study interactions between and among members of social iden- tity groups in a variety of interpersonal, group, and institutional/organiza- tional settings. I highlight organizations because we spend so much time within them, and because they play pivotal roles in difference matters. Although most persons might think about organizations as large, for-profit businesses such as corporations, I take a broader perspective that spans a wide range, including large corporations, government agencies and institutions, small businesses, nonprofit groups, sports franchises, hospitals, advocate/

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activist groups, educational institutions, religious institutions, restaurants, social groups (sororities, fraternities), and so forth.

We spend most of our days dealing with organizations as customers, cli- ents, constituents, consumers, congregants, coworkers, employees, patients, students, and representatives, to name several roles. Also, we learn much of what we know about social identities (ours and others’) in organizational set- tings, such as school, church, health care facilities, and at work. Conflict and controversy related to social identity groups usually center on organizations: demands for and disputes about equal employment opportunity and access, education, health care, benefits, and media depictions all implicate various types of organizations. Matters of difference increasingly are apparent and important in organizations, because members of different social identity groups are likely to interact more frequently. Due to population projections, we are more likely now than ever to encounter differences in those settings. Furthermore, as nondominant members of social identity groups continue to gain access to roles they traditionally have not held, we are likely to encoun- ter them/us in unexpected roles, as when Jason and I met.

We often identify ourselves based on organizational relationships and roles. For instance, I am a professor (at a university) and a volunteer (at an elementary school). As members of organizations perform their roles, they also make friends and enemies, gossip, indulge in romances, advance them- selves professionally and personally, and endure a variety of conflicts. A final reason for highlighting organizations regards power dynamics, which I dis- cuss in chapter 2. Power dynamics drive the communication processes that constitute organizations and societies, as different groups strive to serve their own interests and to control various resources.

In addition to organizations, I discuss media and their pivotal roles in communicating social identity. In each social identity chapter, I highlight a specific form of media and how it matters to that category.

Social Identity Identity refers to an individual and/or a collective aspect of being. Soci-

ologists Judith Howard and Ramira Alamilla observe that identity is based not only on responses to the question “Who am I?” but also on responses to the question “Who am I in relation to others?”21 We will focus on social iden- tity, aspects of a person’s self-image derived from group-based categories. Most human beings divide their social worlds into groups, and categorize themselves into some of those groups. In addition, we become aware of other social groups to which we do not belong, and we compare ourselves to them. We often define ourselves in opposition to others: “I know who I am because I am not you.”22 Thus, social identity refers to “the ways in which individuals and collectivities are distinguished in their social relations with other individ- uals and collectivities.”23

Social identity differs from personal identity, one’s sense of self in terms of variables such as personality traits. For instance, a person may be charac-

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12 Chapter One

terized as “shy” or “outgoing.” However, “a person’s self actually consists of a personal identity and multiple social identities, each of which is linked to different social groups.”24 An individual can “belong” to numerous social identity groups. Some of my social identities are: professor, black, woman, wife, homeowner, U.S. citizen, heterosexual, baby boomer, middle-class, Steelers fan, executive coach, and volunteer. Although infinite possibilities exist for categories of social identity groups, I focus in this book on six that are especially significant in contemporary society: gender, race, social class, ability, sexuality, and age.

As we consider difference matters and social identity, two important ideas to remember are: (1) identity is relational and (2) human beings develop their social identities primarily through communicating.25 This perspective represents the social constructionist school of thought, which contends that “self is socially constructed through various relational and linguistic pro- cesses.”26 In other words, “our identity arises out of interactions with other people and is based on language.”27 Let’s look at how communicating helps to construct social identities.

From the time we are born (and even prior to birth, due to tests that determine a baby’s sex or congenital defects), socially constructed categories of identity influence how others interact with us (and vice versa) and how we perceive ourselves. When a child is born, what do people usually want to know? Generally, they ask if “it” is a boy or a girl. Why is the sex of the child so important? Sex matters because it cues people on how to treat the baby. If the newborn is a girl, relatives and friends may buy her pink, frilly clothes and toys designated for girls. Her parent(s) or guardian(s) may decorate her room (if she’s fortunate enough to have her own room) or sleep area in “fem- inine” colors and artifacts. These actions and others will help to “create a gendered world which the infant gradually encounters and takes for granted as her social consciousness dawns, and which structures the responses to her of others.”28

And that’s just the beginning. As she grows up, she will receive messages from multiple sources, including family members, teachers, peers, and the media about what girls are allowed and supposed to do (as contrasted with boys). This process is known as socialization,

the total set of experiences in which children become clear about norms and expectations and learn how to function as respected and accepted members of a culture . . . children are socialized at both conscious and unconscious levels to internalize the dominant values and norms of their culture, and in so doing, develop a sense of self.29

The same scenario applies for a male. He, too, will receive numerous messages, blatant and subtle, that will mold his self-perception. Simulta- neously, both female and male children will learn about additional identity categories like race, ethnicity, class, ability, age, sexuality, and religion. What they learn may vary depending on their identity composites. For instance, a

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Jewish boy in a working-class family probably will be socialized differently than a Latino Catholic in a middle-class family, even as they each may receive similar messages about being male. Meanwhile, an able-bodied Asian American boy probably will receive different messages than a white boy labeled as “developmentally challenged,” even as all of these males receive comparable lessons about masculinity in general. These individuals also will learn communication styles particular to their groups, such as vocabulary, gestures, eye contact, and use of personal space.

As these children become indoctrinated into social identity groups, they will receive information about other groups, including contrasts between groups, and “rules” for interacting (or not) with members of other groups. They will learn stereotypes about groups, and they may accept these stereo- types as facts. They also will learn about hierarchies of identity. They may learn that being young is more desirable than being elderly, or that being het- erosexual is preferable to being gay. These and other “lessons” about distinc- tions between and within groups will recur throughout their lives—and the lessons may contradict one another.

Due to socialization, children will accept social identity categories as real and natural. Yet, they are not. Persons in power across history have con- structed categories and developed hierarchies based on group characteristics. In 1795, a German scientist named Johann Blumenbach30 constructed a sys- tem of racial classification that arranged people according to geographical location and physical features. He also ranked the groups in hierarchical order, placing Caucasians in the most superior position.

Although scientists have since concluded that race is not related to capa- bility, many societies in the world still adhere to various racial classification systems because the idea of race has become essentialized. Essentialism refers to assumptions that social differences stem from intrinsic, innate, human variations unrelated to social forces. For example, so-called racial groups are viewed as if they have an “ultimate essence that transcends historical and cul- tural boundaries.”31

Thus, while we accept social identity groups as real and natural, we also perceive them as fixed (essentialized) and unchanging. However, these cate- gories are not only artificial, but they also are subject to change. In different times and different places, categories we take for granted either did/do not exist or they were/are quite unlike the ones that we reference in the United States in the twenty-first century. Currently, the same person identified as black in the United States may be considered white in the Dominican Repub- lic; in the nineteenth century choices for racial designations in the United States included gradations of enslaved blacks: mulattos were one-half black, quadroons were one-quarter black, and octoroons were one-eighth black.32

To develop these types of categories, human beings often refer to physical or physiological distinctions. It’s logical to compartmentalize humans according to physical characteristics. If we did not have labels to distinguish groups of items that are similar, we would have to create and remember a

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separate “name” for everything and everyone. What a challenge that would be! Therefore, it makes sense that we use cues like skin color, facial features, body parts, and so forth to distinguish and group people.

However, problems can arise when people assign meaning to neutral descriptors. They may use categories not only to distinguish but also to dis- criminate and dominate. Categorizing can lead to in-group/out-group dis- tinctions that may negatively affect intergroup interactions. For instance, social identity theory (SIT) describes humans’ tendency to label self and others based on individual and group identity.33 SIT contends that members of social identity groups constantly compare their group with others, and they try to show that their group is positively distinct. When an individual per- ceives someone else to be a member of an out-group, that person will tend to react more to perceived group characteristics than to the other person as an individual. Stereotypes and prejudice occur more frequently in this scenario. In contrast, stereotypes and prejudice are less likely when a communicator views another person as an individual, especially when both persons belong to the same social identity group(s).

As I noted earlier, individuals often use identity markers like skin color to develop hierarchies. Moreover, many people accept and reinforce such hierarchies as natural and normal. Organizational communication scholars Charles Conrad and Marshall Scott Poole explain: “As people internalize the values and assumptions of their societies they also internalize its class, race, gender, and ethnicity-based hierarchical relationships.”34 These perceptions facilitate the social construction of inequality, which results in favoritism and privilege for some groups and disadvantage for others. Thus, for instance, regardless of level of education and even with similar qualifications, men of all races in the United States generally earn higher salaries than women of all races, and whites earn more than members of other racial/ethnic groups.

One way to understand differences in status based on social identity is the concept of privilege. Sociologist Peggy McIntosh coined this term to refer to men’s advantages in society, based on her experiences teaching women’s studies.35 McIntosh noticed that while men in her classes were willing to con- cede women’s disadvantages, they were unaware of advantages they enjoyed simply because they were men. She later extended her analysis to encompass race, and she developed the concept of white privilege, which I discuss in chapter 4.

In case you’re not familiar with this concept, one way to think about priv- ilege is handedness. Are you right-handed or left-handed? Did you know that people used to consider being left-handed as deviant, sinister, and dangerous? I’m left-handed, and one of my elementary teachers tried to change me to being right-handed. Of course, Ma didn’t allow that. In our society, being right-handed is the dominant expectation. Although neither of these is better than the other, we have structured society in favor of right-handed people (pri- marily because of numbers). And, right-handed people rarely are aware of the benefits they receive as they move around in a right-hand world. They enjoy

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the privilege of not knowing, until someone points it out. As a lefty, I often have awkward moments with tools, utensils, scissors, desks, and other things designed for right-handed people. And, people have told me, “Your handwrit- ing looks good, for a lefty.” We use our right hand to pledge allegiance to the flag, to shake hands when we meet someone, and to take oaths. Right-handed people can’t avoid the benefits of being right-handed. We all inherited a sys- tem handedness that benefits some and disadvantages others.36

So, privilege tends to “make life easier; it is easier to get around, to get what one wants, and to be treated in an acceptable manner.”37 On the Public Broadcasting System’s video People Like Us, which explores social class in the United States, a white male plumber describes how sales clerks tend to treat men in suits better than they respond to him when he wears his work clothes. Similarly, a working-class college student reported that he would change out of his work clothes before going to campus because he felt that faculty and staff treated him less favorably when he wore them.38

Privilege allows people to be oblivious to how their lives differ from oth- ers’. Members of privileged social identity groups often don’t recognize their advantages. In fact, they may assume that others enjoy similar experiences to theirs. For instance, I never thought about my heterosexual privilege until a coworker friend told me she was a lesbian and began to describe the many challenges she has faced because of her sexual orientation. I just didn’t know how privileged I was. Before I got married, I could easily discuss my [hetero- sexual] dates or romantic relationships during small talk at work. Now that I am married, I often discuss how my husband and I spent the weekend, our plans for vacations, and so forth. If I wanted to, I could put our wedding photo on my desk without thinking twice, especially since we’re the same race and about the same age. Yet, persons who are not heterosexual may hesitate to engage in such activities because they fear verbal abuse, ostracism, being fired, or even physical assault. Even if none of these ever happened, some homosex- uals live with the persistent perception that these reactions might happen.

This potential difference in perceiving the world related to social identity can inhibit interactions between privileged and nonprivileged persons. A per- son who is not privileged (or who does not feel privileged) may seem hyper- sensitive to an individual who is privileged. In contrast, the person who is privileged (or whom the other person perceives to be privileged) may seem hyperinsensitive. Privileged individuals sometimes diminish, dismiss, or dis- count experiences of others who are not advantaged. If a privileged person witnesses or hears about an incident where someone demeans or humiliates a less privileged person, she or he may interpret the incident as an exception rather than the rule. That person also may accuse the less-privileged person of overreacting or misinterpreting the situation. When I assign my friend Anna Spradlin’s article39 on the challenges she faced as a lesbian passing as hetero- sexual at work, some students respond with comments such as, “She’s making a big deal out of nothing,” or “She shouldn’t care what others [her students and colleagues] think.” Of course, that’s easy for them to say. Discussions

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about privilege among nondominant and dominant groups can be productive when each “side” tries to understand the other’s perspectives and experiences.

To elaborate on the idea of privilege, most of us simultaneously occupy privileged and nonprivileged social identity groups. Although I may experi- ence or anticipate discrimination based on my race, gender, and age, I also can reap benefits associated with being heterosexual, able-bodied, educated, and middle-class. I also enjoy the privilege of speaking English as my native language, and being able to read and write. We will consider the concept of privilege and its complexities as we study gender, race, class, ability, sexuality, and age. For now, I hope that you have a basic understanding of the concept of privilege (if it’s new to you) and that you can see how privilege helps to construct and maintain inequalities.

Another consequence of internalizing dominant values and assumptions about social identity groups is that members of nondominant groups often help to perpetuate hierarchies because they believe that their group is inferior and that the dominant group is superior. Accepting these ideas and believing negative stereotypes about one’s group is known as internalized oppression.40

When I was a little girl, my friends and I used to sing: “When you’re white, you’re right; when you’re brown, stick around; but when you’re black, oooh baby, get back, get back, get back.” We had internalized a hierarchy of skin color, or colorism.41 Sadly, this attitude persists: a dark-skinned black employee alleged that his light-skinned Black supervisor called him a “tar baby,” “black monkey,” and “jig-a-boo,” and told him he needed to bleach his skin.42

To summarize, social identities emerge mainly from social interactions. We learn from a variety of sources about who we are and who we might become, mainly through interacting with others. We also learn about other groups. We learn communication styles and rules based on our membership in certain groups, and we communicate with other people based on how we have been socialized about ourselves and about them. As we interact, we are subject to biases and expectations about social identities that can affect what, how, when, why, and whether or not we communicate. And, most interac- tions occur within established normative contexts where members of groups tend to be more or less privileged than others.

About Me Before I outline the remainder of the book, I want to tell you more about

myself, to show how some of the points I’ve raised operate in my life, and to give you a better sense of who I am. As you read this abbreviated autobiogra- phy, notice how it exemplifies many of the issues I’ve mentioned, including the social construction of social identity, intersections of social identities, privilege, the role of context, and communication processes.

In the 1950s and 1960s, I grew up in Ohio in a small apartment in the Youngstown Metropolitan Housing Authority (“the projects”) with my mother, my brother, and my sister. I was a toddler when my family moved into the

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projects after my father died. Residents of the projects comprised a well-known social identity group in Youngstown, and many of us are proud of having grown up in what we fondly call “Brick City.” Since the projects were restricted to low-income families (most of whom were black), I was aware at an early age of being a member of a specific social economic class. Thanks to the Red Feather Agency (which the state government administered) and the city-funded community center, my friends and I enjoyed a variety of organized, year-round recreational activities (including arts and crafts, camp, drill team, variety shows, and sports). Although I was athletically inclined, I received subtle messages that discouraged me from pursuing my talents. Only a few sports activities in school were reserved for girls. And, because I was labeled as “smart,” I learned that I shouldn’t also aspire to be an athlete. In those days, people classified you as either one or the other. It seemed that you couldn’t be both. I was tracked according to IQ, and placed in advanced classes in junior high and high school. I usually was the only black girl in those classes, along with one black boy and our white classmates. Because I was on the Honor Roll, I believed that I could go to college even though no one in my family had ever done so. However, I knew that my mother couldn’t afford to send me. So, to prepare for life after high school graduation, I completed both college preparatory and secretarial skills courses. Those secretarial skills have come in handy throughout my life!

My mother instilled a strong work ethic in my siblings and me. She always worked hard for the money to take care of us, initially as a maid and eventually as a clerk for the U.S. Post Office. I believed without thinking about it that I would have to work all of my life. When I was a little girl, I wanted to be either a teacher or a nurse when I grew up. Based on messages from teachers and community members, those seemed the only options for a smart colored girl like me. From an early age, I worked at various jobs, on my own initiative. I earned money by babysitting, going to the store for elderly neighbors, or taking out their trash.

During high school, I worked for the federal government’s Comprehen- sive Education and Training Agency, which assigned jobs and paid minimum wage to teenagers from low-income families. Fortunately, one of my jobs was to assist the guidance counselors at my school. Although I was a star pupil, neither the guidance counselors nor any of my teachers encouraged me or informed me about applying to colleges. Why do you think that happened? Fortunately, I paid attention to my white classmates as they discussed the SAT and the ACT, and I persuaded Ma to pay for me to take those tests. While filing materials in the guidance office, I came across information about scholarships and I applied for one of them. In a city-wide competition, I won a full scholarship (yessss!). I applied to and was accepted at Case Western Reserve University, the predominantly white university that Lillian Jones, “the” smart black girl who graduated two years before me, had attended. Even though my scholarship funds would have paid for me to go to any col- lege in the world that admitted me, I didn’t even think about applying to other schools. Why do you think I didn’t consider others?

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My background had prepared me to do well academically and socially in college. I interacted easily with white teachers and my white dorm mates, and I participated in many social activities, sometimes with the few other black students on campus. I changed my major three times, from linguistics, to Romance languages, to speech pathology. Notice that I stuck with some type of communication. Also notice that I never pursued a major related to math- ematics, even though I had been classified in junior high as math-gifted.

After graduating from college, in a 15-year period during which I worked full-time and attended school, I earned a master’s degree and a Ph.D. in orga- nizational communication at Howard University, a historically black college in Washington, D.C. In 1989, I conducted a doctoral dissertation research project on computer-mediated communication (CMC) at the Public Broad- casting System’s corporate headquarters. How I got involved in computers is another story, but it’s related to my math skills.

Also in 1989, I was recruited to teach and conduct research on CMC at the University of Colorado at Boulder. Although I was qualified for the posi- tion, being a black woman was an important factor in my recruitment and hiring, because the university was actively trying to increase its numbers of minority faculty and women. In 1995, due to a variety of experiences (includ- ing the moment with Jason I told you about earlier), I changed my research emphasis to social identity and communication. That same year, I earned tenure (yessss!) and was promoted to Associate Professor. In the Fall of 2001, I accepted a position in the Department of Communication at the University of Colorado–Denver. In the fall of 2003, I became chair of the department. I was promoted to Professor in 2004, and in 2007, I became an Associate Dean in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences.

Throughout the book, I share more information and stories about myself. I am not trying to brag or to gain pity. I just want you to have a sense of me so that reading the book feels more like interacting with a person than simply viewing printed words. I also provide personal examples to illustrate some of the issues I cover; my examples might model ways for you to explore your experiences. I wish that I could know about you, too. I love getting mes- sages from readers. Feel free to send me e-mail about yourself or your responses to the book. My e-mail address is: brenda.j.allen@ucdenver.edu.

Overview of the Book In chapter 2, I continue to establish the foundation for the book by defin-

ing and describing power dynamics and their relationship to difference matters. Chapters 3–8 each concentrate on one of six significant aspects of social iden- tity in U.S. society: gender, race, social class, ability, sexuality, and age. Although each chapter foregrounds one aspect of identity, please remember that social identities are complex and multifaceted. I highlight one category per chapter to illuminate issues and information that are especially relevant to that social identity. However, I urge you always to consider that intersec-

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tions of social identity also matter. To emphasize that idea, I discuss differing consequences and issues for overlapping social identities.

In each social identity chapter I trace the sociohistorical construction of the highlighted category. Although discussing history may seem unusual in a book about communication, I cover history to help you understand social construction and to demonstrate how context matters in communicating con- structs of social identities. I want to provide evidence that the social identity categories we assume to be natural and fixed are actually artificial and possi- ble to change.

I also share history to punctuate the point that “past is prologue.” People sometimes say about topics like race and gender that we should put the past behind us. However, we need to examine the past to understand its impact on the present and to guide us into the future. By the end of the book, you should recognize commonalities of consequences of social constructions, including privilege for some persons and disadvantage for others, as well as recurring and persistent efforts to change society by members of dominant and nondominant groups.

Insight and information related to history might help you to reflect on your attitudes, beliefs, and assumptions about difference. When you realize that social identity categories can change, you may reconsider some of your attitudes, beliefs, and assumptions, about yourself as well as others. Also, the stories of individuals and groups who imagined and worked to attain social justice might inspire you. I sure hope so.

Each social identity chapter presents examples of relationships between the highlighted identity and communication processes. From the wealth of information that exists, I offer just enough to enlighten you and to stimulate you to learn more. I discuss numerous types of contexts and I refer to a vari- ety of disciplines, including communication, history, sociology, psychology, economics, women’s studies, ethnic studies, business, organizational behav- ior, and anthropology.

I also spotlight research about mass media because they permeate U.S. society. They depict interpretations of social reality, and they socialize us about social identity groups. Media portrayals of social identity groups can influence how we orient to our own as well as other social identity groups. We often receive preliminary information about social identity groups other than our own through mass media rather than through meaningful interper- sonal interaction. The media also help to disseminate, shape, and reinforce dominant belief systems, stereotypes, and cultural ideals. On the plus side, media also portray and report resistance to inequalities. They also offer real- istic portrayals of nondominant groups.

I tend to concentrate on nondominant groups in each social identity cat- egory, primarily to shed light on issues that rarely receive attention. However, I also consider issues and implications for dominant group members. I try neither to bash members of dominant groups nor to idealize nondominant groups. I want members of all groups to see themselves as participants in social

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systems and networks that privilege some people and penalize others. While you did not construct those networks, you inherited them. You can challenge them, and you can even try to change them. I hope that this book helps you to realize that you can choose how you view and do difference. I also hope it provides a blueprint for how to do so.

I share a few “tools” to help you improve how you communicate social identity. These tools can aid intrapersonal, interpersonal, and organizational communication about difference matters. Like all tools, they are optional. You can choose to use them or not, depending on the task at hand. To help you process what you read, I include in each chapter an “ID Check” to allow you to engage in intrapersonal communication. That’s right, I want you to talk to yourself! After all, intrapersonal communication matters, too. I also include “Reflection Matters” in each chapter to encourage you to delve into issues that the chapter covers. In the final chapter, I conclude the book and recommend next steps.

Now that I’ve told you what to expect from the book, I invite you to take a moment to reflect on what you might gain by reading and reflecting on the topics we will cover. I also urge you to open your mind and heart to becom- ing more aware of how you communicate social identity. Best wishes.

REFLECTION MATTERS 1. What issues raised in this chapter, if any, do you find intriguing? Why?

2. Do you agree that the six categories we’re covering are especially important in the United States? Why or why not?

1. How do you identify in each of the six social identity categories (gen- der, race, social class, age, ability, sexuality)? Other categories to list are religion, nationality, and native language.

2. From #1, how many of these place you in dominant categories? How many in nondominant? For religion, nationality, and native language, please consider which tend to dominate in your current context. For instance, English as a native language dominates in the United States.

3. Have you ever been aware of privilege because of any of your dominant social identity categories? Explain.

4. Have you ever felt disadvantaged because of any of your nondominant social identity categories? Explain.

5. Have you ever felt discriminated against because of any of your non- dominant or dominant social identity categories?••

•• ID

C he ck

• ••

• ID

C he ck

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Difference and Other Important Matters 21

3. Of the six categories that we will cover, which, if any, are most important to you personally? Why?

4. Has “difference” according to the social identity groups with which you identify ever mattered in your life? If yes, in what ways did dif- ference(s) matter?

5. If you had to describe yourself using the labels of only three social identity groups, which would you choose, and why? How do you feel about limiting your description of yourself to three categories?

6. How does the sociohistorical context in which I grew up seem to have affected how my life unfolded? For instance, does the time period of the 1950s and 1960s, or the geographical location of a housing project in Ohio, seem to matter?

7. My brief autobiography demonstrates potential influences of organi- zations and people in organizational roles on social identity develop- ment. For instance, when educators assigned me to an academic track, they reinforced my sense of being a smart black girl. As teach- ers, peers, and community members affirmed that sense of my self, I became confident and competent in interactions with diverse types of people, particularly black and white peers and white teachers. To explore how organizations or people within organizations have affected your identity development, divide your life into segments, beginning with your birth. For each segment, identify at least one or two organizations (or member[s] of an organization) that affected your social identity development, and explain the effect(s). If you are 35 years old or younger, divide your life into 7-year segments; if you are over 35, divide your life into 10-year segments.

8. In addition to anyone you described in question #7, what other per- sons in your life have influenced your self-concept? Do you think that your gender, race, age, ability, social class, sexuality, nationality, religion, or intersections of any of these affected how these persons interacted with you, and how you interacted with them? Explain.

9. What do you think of the statement that “-isms,” such as sexism, racism, ageism, “are merely behaviors of a ‘bad’ person”?

10. Have you talked about social identity categories in mixed groups (e.g. talking about race in a multiracial group)? If so, explain the cir- cumstances, and describe your feelings and responses.

11. Have you talked about “others” in homogeneous groups (for instance, in a group of women talking about men, or straight people talking about gay people)? If so, explain the circumstances and describe your feelings and responses.

12. Have you ever experienced any of the obstacles to valuing difference that I cited? Explain.

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13. To illustrate how much organizations matter, keep track for one weekday all of the organizations that directly or indirectly influence your life. From the time that you wake up until you go to bed, keep a list of those organizations (or types of organizations). Also keep track of your communication interactions during the day.

a. Write the list of organizations.

b. List the communication interactions that you engaged in that took place either within an organization, or with someone repre- senting an organization.

c. If any of those interactions were cross-cultural, describe them.

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• • • • • • • •Chapter 2

Power Matters

When I was about 25 years old I worked as a secretary in the research division of a national association in Washington, D.C. Two other women in their twenties and I sat at adjacent desks in an open area facing the offices of the male research associates for whom we worked. Betty,1 the executive sec- retary, sat at the front of the room. Her desk (which was larger than the other secretaries’ and mine) was placed perpendicular to the entrance of the unit director’s corner office, which was bigger than those of the three associates.

One time when Betty was going on a weeklong vacation, she asked me to take over her duties. As she listed my responsibilities, she told me to wash her boss’s cup each morning and fill it with coffee (with cream) from the vending machine in the break room. I nodded in agreement, but I definitely did not like the idea. Surely this task wasn’t listed in the job description. All weekend, the problem percolated in my mind. I just did not want to get coffee for Frank. But if I didn’t, what would happen?

That Monday morning, I sat at my desk with butterflies in my stomach. Frank approached me, coffee mug in one hand, and two dimes in the other. He extended both toward me, saying softly, “Betty always gets coffee for me.” My heart pounded as I looked up at him and replied softly, “I know.” Three seconds later, he headed toward the vending machine area. Things went smoothly for the rest of the week and for the duration of my employment at the association. Frank even intervened on my behalf when Harold, the per- sonnel director, denied my request to revise my work schedule to attend grad- uate classes. Frank went over Harold’s head to ask Henrietta, the executive director of the organization, to grant my request. She agreed. I remain grate- ful to Frank (and Henrietta) for supporting me.

This chapter continues to set the foundation of the book by exploring matters of power and communicating social identity. Betty, Frank, Harold, Henrietta, and I enacted power relationships in varying ways, for varying rea- sons. Our behaviors may have been based in part on our social identities. Frank was a middle-aged white male department director. Betty, his secre- tary, was also middle-aged and white. She had been with the association for many years, and she seemed proud of her position. Both of them probably never had questioned the practice of her serving him coffee.

Chapter 2

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In contrast, I was a young black woman, working to pay my bills as I fig- ured out what I wanted to be when I grew up. When I did not get coffee for Frank, I may have been acting from my standpoint as a black woman whose mother, grandmother, and great-grandmother had served white people. Maybe I wanted to break that chain. I also could have been playing the role of a budding feminist who objected to any hint of male domination. Or, perhaps I thought someone with a college degree shouldn’t get coffee for anybody (what an elitist attitude).

Age also may have mattered. As a woman in my twenties, I probably didn’t view my role or my life in the same way as Betty, who was in her forties (which seemed old to me then). The job was a means to an end for me, and I knew I could get another clerical position, whereas Betty seemed settled into her position. Any or all of these aspects of my identity may have affected my response. Believe me, though, I didn’t analyze the situation at that time. In fact, my emotions played a much stronger role than my thoughts. It just didn’t feel right. What do you think you would have done?

As I noted in chapter 1, when and where events occur can significantly affect those events. My coffee tale took place in the 1970s in Washington, D.C., when you could buy a cup of coffee for twenty cents! More important, many citizens were feeling the effects of the civil rights and women’s rights movements. The fact that a first-generation female college graduate from a black working-class family was attending graduate school supports this point. Even my request to adjust my work schedule is time bound, since many orga- nizations now routinely allow employees to work flexible hours. Throughout the book, we will explore examples of interdependent relationships between power dynamics and the sociohistorical contexts where they occur. We will use social construction theory to study ways that humans use communica- tion to construct their realities.

This chapter presents the premise that power matters. First, we will take a close look at the concept of power and its complexities. Next, I explore how concepts known as hegemony and ideology operate to establish and maintain control and systems of domination and I describe critical theory, a useful framework for studying power dynamics. Finally, I show how we enact power relations through communication.

Conceptions of Power Power is a complex, multidimensional concept. How do you define

power? You might think of power as “ability to dominate.” This viewpoint usually gives power to persons in powerful positions, which can range from the president of the United States to a boss to parent(s) or guardian(s), and to spouses or partners. Thinking of power in that way implies that certain indi- viduals have “power over” others. The “power over” perspective casts power negatively and neglects to consider positive aspects of power. It also fails to acknowledge that power is a reciprocal process. The “power over” stance

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simplifies the nature of power by portraying it as overt, conscious behavior, such as using threats, promises, or orders to get what one wants. This focus on the surface overlooks deep structures of power that operate continually, unconsciously, and subtly based on norms and taken-for-granted assump- tions.2 We will study surface and deep levels of power relevant to society in general and in various organizational contexts.

Our primary perspective for studying power relations is critical theory. In case you’re not familiar with this viewpoint, you may think about the every- day meaning of “being critical” as criticizing people and taking a negative approach. That’s not what I mean. Critical theory provides a set of frame- works for analyzing power dynamics in society in order to make the world more equitable.3 Critical theory seeks to liberate and emancipate members of nondominant groups by exploring how and why people comply with domi- nant belief systems and how they and their allies resist those systems. Critical theorists seek to raise consciousness, to help people realize how power oper- ates. We focus on relationships between communication and structures. We acknowledge the power of communication to create and shape structures and rules and to provide means for resistance. We look at social conditions to uncover hidden power dynamics in surface and deep structures of society. Examples of critical perspectives include feminist theories, which focus on gender inequality; critical race theory, which considers legal aspects and implications of racial inequality; and postcolonial theory, which studies unequal relations between nation-states by examining the dominance of Western knowledge in many countries.

I will refer to these and other critical approaches as I rely mainly on the work of French philosopher-historian Michel Foucault, who depicted power as a behavior or process that permeates all human interaction.4 In contrast to the “power over” stance, which implies that power occurs occasionally, Fou- cault asserted that “power resides in every perception, every judgment, every act.”5 Foucault contended that people enact power to produce and reproduce, resist, or transform structures of communication and meaning, in even the most mundane social practices. He used the term “relations of power” to sug- gest a network of systematic interconnections among people.6

Foucault believed that power constitutes all relationships: “We define our relationships and how we should behave in relation to each other in terms of power differences and similarities.”7 In my opening story, when Betty (as my supervisor) assigned me to be her substitute, she assumed I would imitate how she enacted the role of secretary. Frank may have expected Betty and me to get him coffee based on how he viewed the secretary–boss relationship (and maybe even the male–female relationship). Perhaps Betty started getting him coffee because she thought that she had to, or maybe she just enjoyed serving him because she liked him. Regardless of the dynamics of Betty and Fred’s relationship, Betty was comfortable with this arrangement, while I was not.

Foucault believed that power can have negative and positive conse- quences. Power is not always oppressive or prohibitive; power also can be

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productive. Power relationships worked in my favor when Frank asked the executive director to let me change my work schedule, and when she agreed.

Power is not limited to persons in power positions; power “exists in the reciprocal relations of the haves and have-nots.”8 Although some persons are authorized to wield power, everyone engages in power practices, including those who may be lower in an organizational or societal hierarchy. Some sec- retaries act as gatekeepers, deciding who will or will not have access to their boss. They also may influence their boss. Or, even though teachers have offi- cial power over students, students and teachers can police each other. For instance, while teachers may enforce formal dress codes for students, students may verbally and nonverbally express criticisms of teachers’ appearance. In response, members of both groups may modify their dress to meet one another’s approval. Can you think of other examples where the person who supposedly has less power sometimes controls the relationship?

To explain the complexities of power, Foucault introduced the concept, “discipline.” What does the word discipline mean to you? As a verb, disci- pline means to punish or penalize, as in “the teacher disciplined the unruly child by making her stand in a corner.” When used as an adjective, discipline means a strict, self-regulation, as in “I follow a disciplined exercise program.” Discipline also can refer to an academic area of study, such as the discipline of communication. Notice that the root of discipline is disciple, or follower. As Foucault conceived it, discipline refers to “elements of social relations that control, govern, and ‘normalize’ individual and collective behavior.”9

The clock is an ever-present example of how discipline operates. In most contexts in the United States, we usually adhere to customs about time, and we rarely question our obedience to them. It just seems “normal” to be mind- ful of when and how long we engage in certain activities. Just about everyone knows norms about time (they are common knowledge), which we enact in power relations. Students and teachers use norms about time to affect each others’ behaviors. In the classroom, teachers expect students to be in their seats at the start of a session. Some teachers will not allow students to enter the class late. One informal rule in universities says that students may leave if the professor hasn’t shown up by fifteen minutes after class is scheduled to start. Have you heard that “rule”? When I teach a class, I don’t need a watch to know when class should end because students always begin to pack up when the time is almost over. As in schools, in most organizations discipline helps to produce “regular, recurring, functional behavior.”10 Discipline enables organization members to collaborate and to predict outcomes. Discipline can also help prevent chaos. Therefore, discipline can have positive effects.

However, discipline can constrain creativity and spontaneity and help maintain power imbalances. Although we need some degree of discipline for organizations and relationships to persist and thrive, discipline can invite neg- ative consequences. Referring to the example of the clock, patient–doctor relationships show how discipline operates in power dynamics. Although physicians expect patients to arrive on time for appointments, patients often

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Power Matters 27

wait well after the appointed time to see the physician. In most organizations, different policies about time apply to employees depending on their status. Some individuals have to punch in and out on a time card and take timed breaks, which illustrates an obvious form of control over the employees. If they don’t follow time constraints, their employer may fire them or otherwise punish them. In contrast, other employees can come and go as they wish without paying close attention to time. In some occupations, individuals keep track of their own time. These examples of how the clock regulates human behaviors illustrate Foucault’s definition of discipline, which consists of power, knowledge (truth), and rules of right.

Power and Knowledge Power and knowledge operate recursively: “the exercise of power perpet-

ually creates knowledge and, conversely, knowledge constantly induces effects of power.”11 As a result, what we call “facts” or knowledge often are actually products of political social processes. For example, the act of labeling or defining social identity groups demonstrates power dynamics. Historically, groups in power have named/labeled other groups, whether the other groups agreed with the names/labels or not. “What a group is called and how it is described by other groups, particularly those in power, plays an important role in social relations,”12 because these labels usually are not neutral. Most often, dominant groups define these names/labels to establish and maintain hierarchy.13 For instance, definitions of learning ability/disability allow edu- cators (the dominant group) to classify learners (the nondominant group) as either normal or abnormal. Once a person is labeled (e.g., as “gifted and tal- ented” or as “developmentally challenged”), that individual’s identity becomes fixed, and the label can forever have positive or negative impacts.

Throughout history, influential disciplines such as medicine, science, law, and religion have developed and instilled many bodies of “knowledge” about social identity groups that became accepted as truth. The Diagnostic and Statis- tical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) of the American Psychiatric Associa- tion (APA) is a primary source of information about mental disorders and problems. From their positions of power, medical experts decide which condi- tions qualify to be included in this storehouse of knowledge, which is presumed to constitute the truth. Anyone who shows symptoms related to disorders cited in the DSM is subject to being categorized and stigmatized because profession- als such as psychiatrists and psychologists consult the DSM to make and justify diagnoses and recommend treatment. For over twenty years, the DSM defined homosexuality as a mental condition, and this classification affected the lives of countless people. After concerted effort by groups who challenged that defini- tion, the board of trustees of the APA voted in 1974 to delete it from the DSM.

Rules of Right The power–knowledge relationship operates through “rules of right,”

which are “principles and practices we create to govern ourselves, presum-

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ably in non-arbitrary, systematic ways.”14 Examples of rules of right include the Constitution of the United States at the national level and employee handbooks at the organizational level. What are examples on your job or at your school? Rules of right “spell out the right way to act in the organization according to the power relationships.”15 They guide and regularize our interactions with others, and they help to maintain power positions. Mem- bers of society and organizations routinely and robotically invoke rules of right with statements or sentiments such as “that’s the way we do things around here,” “these are standard operating procedures,” or “it’s just com- mon sense.” Organization members tend to refer to those meanings that favor certain groups and interests as “common sense.” This illustrates the political nature of taken-for-granted knowledge. Relations of power often unfold as struggles over meaning as groups try to “fix” meaning and con- nect it to their own interests.16

The rules of right provide a formal, structural delineation of power; the exercise of power allows for certain “truths” to emerge and to become the taken-for-granted knowledge base for a social system; the effects of this knowledge base in turn reinforce and reproduce relations of power in the system.17

When people create, embed, or express meaning to serve or enhance the interests of some individuals and minimize and/or subordinate those of other individuals, a form of control emerges.

Control in Organizations Organization members employ a variety of methods to control one

another and themselves. Across history, these methods have progressed from simple, direct approaches, to more complex, covert strategies.18 In early orga- nizations, persons in authority exerted power through simple control, which includes giving direct orders and engaging in overt observation. As organiza- tions adopted technology, technical control became an option. For instance, assembly lines partially hid authority relations between workers and supervi- sors. No longer did the supervisor have to command the worker, because the pace of the line controlled the worker’s productivity. Next came bureaucratic control, enabled through rules, policies, job descriptions, incentives, and so forth. Experts and specialists created standards and operating procedures, which represented a new form of surveillance. Although all three of these types of blatant or obtrusive control still occur, organizations also are exert- ing more subtle forms of discipline.

Organizational communication scholars Phillip Tompkins and George Cheney refer to unobtrusive forms of control as concertive control: “In the con- certive organization, the explicit written rules and regulations are largely replaced by the common understanding of values, objectives, and means of achievement, along with a deep appreciation for the organization’s ‘mission.’”19

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Concertive Control Because concertive control works best when organization members inter-

nalize interests of dominant groups, organizations strive to indoctrinate employees to behave according to the organization’s core values and beliefs. A common strategy is to use a rhetoric of identification, the extent to which an individual, when faced with a decision, will be likely to do what aligns with the organization’s objectives rather than with her or his own prefer- ences.20 Organizations use various methods to gain identification, such as cit-

Mindfulness

Become more mindful difference matters. What does being “mindful” mean? When you are mindful, you actively process information, you are open to new ideas and insights, and you are sensitive to context.39 Also, mindfulness is “a heightened state of involvement and wakefulness or being in the present.”40 In other words, being mindful requires you to observe yourself in the process of thinking.41 Put even more simply, being mindful means thinking about what you’re thinking about. Becoming more mindful can help you become more sensitive to your environment, more open to new information, more conscious of how and what you perceive, and more aware of multiple perspectives for solving problems.42

To be more mindful about difference matters, notice and question how you categorize and characterize others. Try to notice when you are relying on stereotypes and prejudices about social identity groups. When you meet someone different than you, be aware of which social identity cues you highlight, and remember that each person embodies a complex set of social identities. Monitor your thoughts and feelings related to other people based on their gender, race, age, and so forth, including people who belong to the same groups as you. Cultivate curiosity about how you and others con- struct and perform social identities. Also pay attention to how you per- ceive that others are responding to you. Look for ways that you are guilty of TUI (Thinking Under the Influence) of dominant belief systems or stereo- types, and try to restructure your thoughts.

To really develop this tool, improve your critical thinking skills. Con- sider taking a course or referring to books or Web sites on critical thinking. Please see my Web site [www.differencematters.info] for links to critical thinking sites.

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Media Literacy

Media literacy refers to our ability to critique and analyze media and its potential impact. Media literacy education strives to empower us and to transform our usual passive relationship with media to be more active, engaged, and critical. Media literacy education improves how we use criti- cal thinking skills as we “sift through and analyze the messages that inform, entertain and sell to us everyday.”21

Especially relevant to difference matters, some media literacy curricula critique and analyze power dimensions of how media represent gender, race, class, and sexuality.22 They focus on recognizing and challenging sys- tematic biases and distortions. They also encourage using media as instru- ments of social communication and change.23 They promote producing alternative media that challenge dominant ideologies and portray more accurate and comprehensive views of nondominant groups.

One framework of critical media literacy includes the following con- cepts and questions to guide critical thinking about media messages:24

• Concept: All media are constructions. Therefore, they are subject to the biases of their creators.

• Questions: Who created this message? What did they hope to accom- plish? What are their primary belief systems?

• Concept: Different people experience the same media message differently.

• Questions: How might different people understand this message differ- ently than me? What do I think and feel about this?

• Concept: Media have embedded values and points of view.

• Questions: What lifestyles, values, and points of view are represented or omitted in this message? What does this tell me about how other people live and believe? Does this message leave anything or anyone out?

• Concept: Media are organized to gain profit and/or power. Furthermore, only a handful of corporations dominate the U.S. media market.

• Questions: Why was this message sent? Who sent it? Is this trying to tell me something? . . . to sell me something?

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ing metaphors (e.g., “we are family”), telling stories, engaging in rituals, and performing ceremonies.25 Organizations also try to get members to identify by trying to establish common ground. For instance, they identify a common enemy or glorify a “corporate we,” as in “We’re number one.”26

These indoctrinating practices occur formally and informally, through such media as employee manuals, newsletters, meetings, annual reports, social gatherings, Web sites, and electronic mail. As members of organiza- tions internalize organizational premises, control becomes invisible and taken for granted. Concertive control techniques “govern and normalize indi- vidual and collective action organizations, particularly to the extent that they are internalized by persons and become, if you will, ‘standard operating procedures.’”27 In essence, members become disciplined.

In a book entitled The Discipline of Teamwork, organizational communica- tion scholar James Barker demonstrates the power of concertive control evi- dent in his longitudinal study of a self-managing work team at a mid-size manufacturing company.28 The company had established participative groups of employees with no assigned leaders by referring to a “team” meta- phor. However, through their talk and actions, team members identified, defined, reinforced, and enacted power relationships that looked more like traditional ones. Due to concertive control, four years after converting from a customary bureaucracy, teams had developed formal sets of rules to govern members’ workday activities. Team members engaged in self-surveillance behaviors such as developing and enforcing attendance policies that repro- duced power dynamics of conventional hierarchy and helped to construct their identities. As one person exclaimed, “Damn, I feel like a supervisor, I just don’t get paid for it.”29 Barker’s study shows how people impose disci- pline on themselves and their peers.

As organizations and individuals discipline members, “a well-entrenched power hierarchy is maintained so smoothly that dominant and submissive behavior simply seems natural,”30 and disciplined members want on their own what the organization wants. The primary means by which these disci- plinary processes occur is through hegemony.

Hegemony Italian philosopher-theorist Antonio Gramsci conceptualized hegemony

(if this is a new word for you, it’s pronounced hih-jeh-minny), as “the ‘spon- taneous’ consent given by the great masses of the population to the general direction imposed on social life by the dominant fundamental group.”31

Communication scholars Lee Artz and Bren Ortega Murphy define hege- mony as: “the process of moral, philosophical, and political leadership that a social group attains only with the active consent of other important social groups.” They elaborate:

Hegemony addresses how social practices, relationships, and structures are negotiated among diverse social forces. Hegemony offers a template for understanding why women wear makeup, employees participate in

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actions to improve company profits, and homeowners and renters accept segregated housing patterns. In each case, subordinate groups (women, workers, or ethnic minorities) willingly participate in practices that are not necessarily in their best interests because they perceive some tangible benefit. The mass media, educational institutions, the family, govern- ment agencies, industry, religious groups, and other social institutions elicit social support for such hegemonic relations through patterns of communication and material reward.32

As Artz and Murphy imply, hegemony operates everywhere in a society. In organizations, hegemony occurs as individuals work to accomplish

the organization’s goals while being complicit in their own domination. Organization members often support belief systems and enact power rela- tions that may not serve their interests (they may even work against those interests).33 Thus, a central tenet of hegemony is “domination through con- sent,” as seen in Barker’s study.

However, everyone does not always consent to domination. Hegemony also encompasses resistance, any means by which societal or organizational members attempt to undermine or overthrow the dominant order. Foucault contended that power relations always meet with resistance, as individuals or groups imagine and seek better realities. Moreover, “acts of resistance are as dispersed and innumerable as sites of power.”34 An individual might resist strictly for personal reasons, as I did with Frank. People also resist to seek rights for themselves and/or others, to transform specific organizational con- texts, or to cause social change. Recall how Frank intervened on my behalf by going over his supervisor’s head. Resistance may be planned and organized, for instance through whistle-blowing, filing a lawsuit, going on strike, or working precisely within guidelines. Resistance also occurs as random acts such as cheating, lying, telling jokes, being late, or stealing. As these exam- ples imply, resistance may be overt or covert.

Resistance also can be “simultaneously resistant and consensual, uniting and dividing, radical and conservative.”35 Although government agencies often control categories of social identity groups, sometimes individuals and groups assert their own names to redefine themselves, to assert power, and/ or to reject others’ imposing an identity on them.36 For instance, civil rights groups were instrumental in changing the racial label “Negro” to “black” and “African American.” However, name changes can arouse conflict within groups, as all members may not agree with them. I remember some older African Americans responding negatively to the idea of being called “black” because they thought it was a derogatory term. Also, some gay rights activists have embraced the label “queer” as an act of defiance, while others think the label perpetuates oppressive meanings.37

To summarize, hegemony is a complex concept about domination/coer- cion, consent, and resistance/transformation. Hegemony persists within a society and within organizations when most members agree on dominant belief systems, also known as ideologies.

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Ideology Ideology is a contested concept with multiple and sometimes contradic-

tory meanings. For our purposes, think of ideology as “a set of assumptions and beliefs that comprise a system of thought.”38 Ideology has powerful, intricate influences on all of us. As organizational communication scholars Eric Eisenberg and Lloyd Goodall explain:

Ideology touches every aspect of life and shows up in our words, actions, and practices. . . . Because ideology structures our thoughts and interpre- tations of reality, it typically operates often beneath our conscious awareness. . . . it shapes what seems “natural,” and it makes what we think and do seem “right.”39

This perspective on ideology corresponds with how Karl Marx and Frederick Engels focused on ideology as a means for justifying social stratification.40

For example, the belief that rich people are hard workers and poor people are lazy is ideological.

Dominant ideologies reflect perspectives and experiences of ruling groups, whose members construct and circulate beliefs that will most benefit them. Those who control means to disseminate belief systems usually also control which ideologies become widespread within a society. Over time, ideologies become taken for granted and accepted as universally valid by most members of a society. Ideology thus becomes a “filter to screen out beliefs and pro- posed actions that do not fit, and to accept opinions and proposed actions that are consistent with the ideology.”41 In essence, ideologies help to validate worldviews that help dictate our attitudes and behaviors. Power and control processes occur as individuals and groups attempt to produce, reproduce, resist, and/or change a society’s dominant ideologies.

To further define ideology, here’s a preview of some of the dominant ide- ologies we will examine. Team members in Barker’s study were immersed in the ideology of organizational hierarchy, which arranges job positions in a strat- ified structure (usually in the form of a pyramid), with power flowing from the top down. Even though a self-managing work team structure empowered the employees not to enact hierarchy, its ideological force was so strong that they reverted to it.

The ideology of hierarchy also is evident in the power-infused interac- tions between employees, as described in this chapter’s opening story. Betty the secretary told me to make coffee for Frank, her boss; Frank’s boss, Harold, informed me I couldn’t revise my work hours to attend school; Frank went over Harold’s head to ask Henrietta, the executive director, to grant my request; Henrietta gave me permission. From my account, you almost can visualize the organizational chart that mapped organization’s hierarchy.

Organizational hierarchy exemplifies the ideology of domination, a funda- mental belief system in U.S. society “in a notion of superior and inferior, and its concomitant ideology—that the superior should rule over the inferior.”42

This ideology is so ingrained that most people believe domination is natural.

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Systems of domination are common in social structures, which usually are stratified, or “organized [hierarchically] so that one group of people consis- tently has more opportunity or privilege than another group.”43 Consequences of stratification include unequal, differential distribution of resources, oppor- tunities, status, and services. Structures and systems can be exclusionary and damaging to individuals. This systemic/structural perspective is key to how we will explore difference. I delve deeply into structures of society at large as well as within various contexts to expose power relations that constitute social reality and to discuss how they matter to communicating social identity.

The social identity groups we will study usually are explicitly or implic- itly stratified. Social class is layered from upper to lower levels, and not hav- ing a disability is usually considered more desirable than having one. Persons in the lower strata of social identity groups tend to occupy lower levels of hierarchies, and to be the lowest paid, while the converse usually is true for persons in higher strata. For instance, women occupy most clerical positions in organizations, and most high-level executives are men.

The ideology of patriarchy—the “structural dominance of men that is built into the institutions of society”44—often prompts gender-based assump- tions and expectations about organizational roles and behaviors. Returning to my opening story, the roles and expected power relations of (female) secre- tary and (male) boss exhibit the classic gender hierarchy of U.S. society. This ideology also forms the basis for resistance to those assumptions and expecta- tions, for instance as enacted in women’s rights movements or men’s profemi- nist groups.

The ideology of white supremacy refers to an internalized belief that white people are superior to all other races. This belief stems from power sources in the United States that have steadfastly reinforced and perpetuated a hierarchy of race. Through various actions, including government legislation, groups and individuals systematically have sought to separate white from nonwhite, to glorify whiteness and malign color.

The culture of poverty ideology contends that poor people collectively embody traits that keep them down. This perspective on social class blames the poor for their plight and ignores the fact that many wealthy people have inherited their wealth and resources or that they were better positioned to attain the “American dream.” This ideology does not acknowledge that eco- nomic, cultural, and social capital can tilt the playing field in favor of those who have accumulated wealth, knowledge, and/or connections.45

Finally, heteronormativity refers to a belief system that values and normal- izes heterosexual identity while marginalizing and stigmatizing individuals who do not identify as heterosexual. This ideology contends that humans are either female or male, and that sexual relations should occur only between a female and a male. This perspective affects related aspects of life, including gender roles, norms of sexual relationships, and marriage.

Whether consciously or not, members of society often allow dominant ideologies like these to dictate their attitudes and behaviors: “the dominant

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assumptions of a culture establish hierarchical relationships, and as long as the members of a culture believe that the hierarchies are normal and natural, they will tend to act in ways that perpetuate those hierarchies.”46 Although these dynamics matter for everyone, nondominant group members tend to be more negatively affected than dominant group members. Thus, power rela- tions occur in society at large and within organizations as individuals rein- force or resist dominant ideologies. The primary means by which people enact power relations is through communication.

Power and the Media

The media play a powerful role in communicating social identity. Every day, media such as books, newspapers, magazines, radio, recordings, mov- ies, television, and the Internet create and transmit millions of messages to large audiences around the world. Since the 1930s, media scholars in com- munication have studied a range of topics, including media effects on cul- ture and society, influence and persuasion, and motivations for using media. They’ve developed a substantial body of work about how media impact our beliefs, attitudes, and actions. For example, social cognitive theory contends that we often learn about life from the media without hav- ing direct experience, and we tend to believe that the media accurately rep- resent aspects of life. So, members of dominant groups who don’t have much contact with nondominant groups will tend to believe media portray- als of those groups. Cultivation theory says that media shapes our percep- tions of social reality through extensive and cumulative exposure to media messages. We develop beliefs, attitudes, and expectations about the real world based on media, and we use those beliefs, attitudes, and expecta- tions to guide how we behave.

Some communication scholars conduct critical cultural studies, which focus on “how the media can be used to define power relations among var- ious subcultures and maintain the status quo. Critical cultural studies researchers examine how the media relate to matters of ideology, race, social class, and gender.”47 They assert that media not only reflect culture, but they also produce culture. They stress how political and social struc- tures influence mediated communication and how that influence helps to maintain or support those with power in society.

These and other perspectives on communication and the media help to inform our study of difference matters. To enhance your understanding of media effects on difference matters, I include a spotlight on media in each of the following chapters.

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Communicating Power We enact power relations through a variety of interrelated communica-

tion processes, including: language, everyday talk, and responses to norms and policies about physical appearance.

Language A primary medium for communicating power is language, which helps

to spread ideologies and to reinforce hegemony. Although no language sys- tem is superior to another, persons in power tend to value certain systems more than others. Powerful groups usually control language systems and expect all organization members to use vocabulary, jargon, dialects, accents, as well as topics of interactions that the dominant group values and uses.

Communication inequities can arise when members privilege certain lan- guage systems and dominant groups tend to place the burden of proof on nondominant group members. For instance, an ideology of rationality values objective, “cool-headed” behaviors, and devalues emotionally expressive communication styles characteristic of some women and people of color.48

During co-cultural exchanges, or communication between nondominant and dominant group members,49 dominant group members may stigmatize a nondominant speaker as deviant or deficient because the person does not comply with dominant norms. These power relations often occur during rou- tine interactions, or everyday talk.

Everyday Talk Everyday talk consists of discursive practices, which are “characteristic

ways of speaking and writing that both constitute and reflect our experi- ences,”50 that can help to produce, maintain, or resist systems of power. Everyday talk tends to be political. That is, it tends to favor the interests of one group over another. As a result, “all discourse potentially structures rela- tions of dominance and subordination in organizations.”51

Norms about small talk in everyday situations can inhibit developing harmonious relationships and stifle productivity and creativity. The ease with which a person can engage in small talk—inside or outside the workplace set- ting—can help or hinder career stability and mobility. For example, some per- sons might avoid informal networking opportunities, such as company- sponsored social events, because they expect to be uncomfortable about con- versing in an informal, nonwork-related context. Some people may also feel inhibited at work. A white male professional described his discomfort in the corporate bank setting where he worked. He let his working-class, Irish-Ger- man background restrain him from interacting freely with his middle-class, Ivy League colleagues.52 Women of color in workshops I conduct often lament that they cannot be “themselves” at their workplaces because they feel obligated to accommodate to “white” ways of communicating.

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To “fit into” dominant contexts, members of nondominant groups may engage in code switching, or adapting their speech to standard English-speak- ing norms. When nondominant group members do not adapt, power dynam- ics can become visible. A Chicana told me that her white female supervisor constantly reprimanded her for rolling her r’s when she pronounced certain words. Although she told her supervisor the pronunciation was characteristic of her native language, the supervisor repeatedly told her to pronounce words “correctly.”

Parents who never attended college or who have limited literacy skills may hesitate to talk with their children’s teachers due to a sense of intellectual inferiority. Also, in situations such as doctor–patient encounters, older patients and/or patients who speak English as a second language may not talk openly or ask for clarity when communicating with physicians or other health care providers.

The employment interview represents a common discursive practice in organizations based on dominant ideals: “assumptions about proper inter- viewing behavior and outcomes exclude experiences of traditionally under- represented groups and maintain managerial control.”53 Recruiters tend to select new hires based on “fluency of speech, composure, appropriateness of content, and ability to express ideas in an organizational fashion.”54 Further- more, interviewers tend to rate interviewees more highly when their responses match their expectations. During co-cultural interviews, nondominant group members may feel even more uneasy, self-conscious, cautious, or tense than interviewees who are part of the dominant group. They may struggle to match their language and behavior to meet the expectations of the interviewer.

Most organization members accept dominant ideologies and enact/ reproduce them in everyday interactions until they become so embedded that they are invisible, and taken for granted. One consequence is discursive clo- sure, processes that mute or distort voices of certain persons or groups: “rather than having open discussions, discussions are foreclosed or there appears to be no need for discussion.”55 A prime example of this is the “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy in the military regarding homosexual identity.

Physical Appearance A final example of communicating power can be found in how organiza-

tions discipline members’ bodies. As organizational communication scholar Angela Trethewey explains, “Control, in its most insidious form—disci- pline—operates simultaneously on employee minds and bodies.”56 Foucault viewed the body as a central object and target of power in organizations. Through disciplinary practices (including self-surveillance), organization members internalize and reproduce dominant ideologies by transforming their own bodies into “carriers” or representatives of prevailing relations of domination and subordination. In essence, they become what Foucault called “docile” bodies.57

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Power Matters 37

Members of dominant as well as nondominant groups learn to conform to formalized expectations or unspoken norms about aspects of appearance, such as types of clothing, grooming, and acceptable body weight. Many, if not most, of these policies and norms persist without challenge. Moreover, some policies are based on legitimate business necessity, such as safety issues. For instance, a group of black firefighters claimed that the policy requiring them to be clean shaven was discriminatory. These men suffered from an inflammatory skin condition common to African American men that con- strains them from shaving every day. Although the judge indicated that the plaintiffs’ concerns were valid, the court ruled in favor of the defendant because respirator masks do not fit properly on firefighters with beards.58

However, many policies are based less on necessity than on masculinist, white, middle-class and middle-aged ideals and aesthetics. Furthermore, although the notion of docile bodies affects everyone, it is especially relevant to nondominant group members because rules of right often require them to mod- ify their appearances. Other examples of resistance to traditional norms and pol- icies include lawsuits related to various policies about bodily appearance such as weight requirements for women; men’s ponytails or earring(s); young persons’ piercings, tattoos, or colored hair; and black people’s braided hairstyles.59

The preceding discussion only begins to address ways that people enact power relations. In addition to written and oral communication, power rela- tions are expressed through nonverbal phenomena, such as the use of space. Recall, for instance, my description of the office layout where I worked. Research associates worked in offices with windows and doors, while secre- tarial staff were located out in the open, in the interior of the building. Other examples of nonverbal cues of power include parking privileges, access to bathrooms, and office size and location in the worksite.

Conclusion Power dynamics are inevitable aspects of communicating in organiza-

tions and other contexts. The relationships among power, hegemony, and ideology reveal that organizations are “sites of struggle where different groups compete to shape the social reality of organizations in ways that serve their own interests.”60 Dominant groups rely on various ideologies to main- tain and reproduce relations of power, usually through consent of nondomi- nant groups rather than coercion. However, nondominant groups and their allies from dominant groups often strive to develop more equitable realities. Moreover, although power processes can exclude and marginalize people, they also can enable and empower them.61

Organizational power dynamics do not occur in a vacuum. Enacting power in organizations resembles and relies on power dynamics in society at large. Major forces such as our families, the government, religion, educa- tion, and the media impact how people enact power in organizations, and vice versa.

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Throughout history and currently, many individuals and groups in the United States enact(ed) power relations not only to produce and reproduce domination, but also to empower, liberate, and transform. They visualize(d) alternative ways to take us closer to the ideal of liberty and justice for all. Their responses to hegemony and ideology have wide-ranging effects on soci- ety at large as well as for organizational communication processes. When Rosa Parks refused to sit in the back of a bus in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1955, a group of citizens formed a grassroots organization whose bus boycott ignited a transformative social movement. This movement formed the back- drop against which power relations unfolded between my coworkers and me in the early 1970s.

Chapters 1 and 2 established the foundation for the remainder of the book by outlining primary concepts and theoretical perspectives. In the fol- lowing chapters, I describe and analyze the social construction of social iden- tity groups in the United States, and I examine related power dynamics. Throughout, I clarify the power of communication.

REFLECTION MATTERS 1. What did you find intriguing or interesting in this chapter? Why?

2. How empowered do you usually feel? Why? Do you tend to feel more empowered in certain situations? Do you tend to feel less empowered in certain situations? Does your sense of empowerment seem related to any of your social identity categories? Explain

3. Recall the example of how the clock disciplines students and faculty in a university setting. Provide another example of discipline (as Fou- cault conceptualized it) that routinely occurs in educational settings.

4. Offer an example of discipline from your own work experiences, or from the work experiences of someone you know.

5. Discuss examples of simple, technical, and bureaucratic control at workplaces.

6. Does any organization or group that you belong to try to get mem- bers to identify with it? What communication strategies did/do they use? Explain.

7. Apply Foucault’s conception of power to analyze interaction pat- terns in significant relationships in your life (e.g., child–parent, supervisor–worker, student–teacher, romantic partner).

8. Narrate a personal example of resistance in an organizational con- text. In the form of a brief story (similar to my coffee tale), explain what happened, and why. If you do not have a story from your life, obtain a story from someone you know, or from the media (e.g., a movie or television show). Emphasize communication processes that the individuals enacted.

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Power Matters 39

9. Have you experienced any co-cultural communication challenges (i.e., communication between members of dominant and nondomi- nant groups)—as either a dominant or nondominant group mem- ber—that I describe in this chapter? Explain.

10. How is language a primary medium for communicating power? Give examples from your experiences.

11. Review the list of dominant ideologies and select any that you have experienced. Explain and give examples.

12. Based on Tool #2 (p. 29), how would you rate your level of media lit- eracy? Explain.

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• • • • • • • •Chapter 3

Gender Matters

Salespersons sometimes refer to me using masculine terms by saying things like, “I’ll be right with you, sir,” or “I need to help him first.” They usually are interacting with a coworker or another customer, or otherwise dis- tracted. Their peripheral vision registers a tall person with short hair, and they assume I am a man. Once they really look at me and realize their mis- take, they apologize profusely. One woman moaned, “I feel soooo stupid.” I take it in stride because I understand what has happened. One time, though, a cashier looked right at me as she handed me change and said, “Thank you, sir.” Now that irritated me. I wanted to correct her, to proclaim that I am a woman. I mean, didn’t she notice that I was wearing lipstick and earrings; didn’t she see my curves; didn’t she hear my feminine vocal tones?

Why do you think I was upset when she didn’t recognize that I was a woman? Why do you think people who realized their error were so apolo- getic? Do you think they would have been more, or less, upset if they had mis- taken a man for a woman? Why? A friend of mine who is a lesbian also experiences these types of interactions, although much more frequently because she doesn’t wear makeup, and she wears masculine clothing. Another one of my friends is a male-to-female transgendered person who gently corrects service workers when they refer to her using masculine pro- nouns. One time she did that, a male security guard replied: “OK. Thank you, SIR,” putting strong emphasis on the word, “sir.” These experiences imply a few matters related to gender that this chapter covers.

Gender is a defining element of everyday interactions, across all social contexts as we routinely rely on verbal and nonverbal cues to “do gender,” usually without thinking about it.1 That is, we enact learned, scripted gender roles. Signs and signals of gender are so ever-present that “we usually fail to note them—unless they are missing or ambiguous. Then we are uncomfort- able until we have successfully placed the other person in a gender status.”2

Most of us have a clear, strong sense of our gender that we expect others to acknowledge. Also, individuals sometimes discriminate against others because of their gender.

In this chapter, I explore various matters related to communicating gen- der to illustrate power relations between and among women and men. I begin by defining gender and distinguishing it from sex, after which I elaborate on

Chapter 3

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why gender matters. Next, I describe how sex and gender have been socially constructed in the United States, and I discuss dominant value systems about gender. Then, I offer a historical overview of gender and labor in the United States. I also explain ways that individuals and groups have challenged per- spectives on gender and their consequences. After that, I spotlight educa- tional systems as significant sites of hegemony where we teach and learn about social identities. Finally, I review research on communicating gender, including a discussion about the role of emotion at work. Throughout the chapter, I illustrate that gender and power matter to how women and men communicate social identity.

What Is Gender? What is your sex? What is your gender? Do you think of them as two dif-

ferent ways to say the same thing about yourself ? Although many people use the terms interchangeably, gender and sex are distinct though related facets of identity. Sex is a biological classification. Humans universally tend to label a newborn as either “female” or “male.” They designate a baby’s sex based on physiological features related to reproduction, including external genitalia, internal sex organs, chromosomes, and hormones.3 This classification system reflects an essentialist view that stable, innate differences exist between the two sexes. This logic supports the idea that females and males are polar oppo- sites, and that they serve different, complementary roles in society, which leads us to the concept of gender. Gender classifications are based on a “web of socially constructed meanings that differentiate humans on the basis of per- ceived physical, social, and psychological characteristics.”4 Those classifica- tions depend on societal views of relationships of female to woman and male to man. Thus, gender refers to cultural norms of femininity and masculinity. In current popular usage, the word gender encompasses both biological and socio- cultural aspects of identity, while sex generally means sexual intercourse.5