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Latinos and Latinas at Risk

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Latinos and Latinas at Risk

Issues in Education, Health, Community, and Justice

Volume 1

GABRIEL GUTIÉRREZ, EDITOR

Copyright © 2015 by ABC-CLIO, LLC

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Latinos and Latinas at risk : issues in education, health, community, and justice / Gabriel Gutiérrez, editor. volumes cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-313-39925-1 (hardcopy : alk. paper) · ISBN 978-0-313-39926-8 (ebook) 1. Hispanic Americans·Social conditions·21st century. 2. Hispanic Americans·Politics and government·21st century. 3. Hispanic Americans· Education. 4. Hispanic Americans·Health and hygiene. 5. United States· Ethnic relations. I. Gutiérrez, Gabriel, 1967 editor of compilation. E184.S75L3676 2015 305.868'073·dc23 2014021943

ISBN: 978-0-313-39925-1 EISBN: 978-0-313-39926-8

19 18 17 16 15 1 2 3 4 5

This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an eBook. Visit www.abc-clio.com for details.

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v

Contents

Preface xiii

Acknowledgments xvii

Volume 1

Section 1: Latinos and Latinas: An Overview

1 Who Are Latinos and Latinas? 3 Gabriel Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: Who Are Latinos/as? 13

2 Latinos and Latinas: The 2010 U.S. Census 14 Gabriel Gutiérrez

3 Regional Distribution of Latino and Latina Population 20 Gabriel Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: Latinos/as and 2010 U.S. Census 26

4 Latinos/as and Racial Identification 27 Gabriel Gutiérrez

5 Politics, Economics, and Education of Latinos/as: The 2010 U.S. Census 36 Gabriel Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: Politics, Economics, and Education 53

Section 2: Cultural Diversity and Public Policy

6 Culture Wars, Violence, and Latinos/as 57 Gabriel Gutiérrez

7 The Latino/a Immigrant Threat Narrative and Anti-Latino Violence 66 Ana M. Hidalgo

Further Investigations: Culture Wars, Violence, and Latinos and Latinas 76

8 Diversity under Attack 77 Gabriel Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: Diversity under Attack 85

vi | Contents

9 Whiteness, Diversity, and Lack of Historical Perspective 86 Gabriel Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: Whiteness, Diversity, and Lack of Historical Perspective 96

10 U.S. Policy, Human Value, and Latinos/as at the Turn of the 21st Century 98 Gabriel Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: U.S. Policy and Human Value, and Latinos/as at the Turn of the Century 107

Section 3: Migration and Immigration

11 Discovery Myths: First People, First Settlers 111 Gabriel Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: Discovery Myths, First People, First Settlers 120

12 Chronology of Latinos/as in the Americas 121 Gabriel Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: The United States and Latin America 143

13 Latinidad and the Maya Diaspora in the United States 145 Alicia Estrada

14 Maya Youth and Cultural Sustainability in the United States 151 Flori Boj-Lopez

15 Three Generations of Indigeneity, Migration, and Identity 171 mark! Lopez

Further Investigations: Migration, Identity, and Cultural Sustainability 186

16 Immigration Laws and Latinos/as 188 Martha Escobar

17 „Secure Communities‰: Anti-Immigrant Policies and the Impact of ICE and Homeland Security 203 Bryant Partida

18 Immigration and Immigrant Stereotyping in the United States: Economy, Crime, and Harmful Myth Making 214 José M. Beltrán

Further Investigations: Immigration Policy Myths and Realities 228

19 The Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act 230 Selene Salas

Contents | vii

20 The Rhetoric of the DREAM Act 242 José Prado

Further Investigations: Rhetoric and Policy of the DREAM Act 250

Section 4: The Economy, Politics, and Social Justice

21 The Great Recession and Its Impact on the Chicana/o Community 253 David Rodriguez

Further Investigations: The Great Recession 266

22 Economic Stratification: Understanding Latina/o Class Differences 267 Yanet Lopez

23 Remittances: The Risks and Opportunities of „Sending Money Home‰ 280 Jennifer Victoria

24 Latino/a Purchasing Power and Changing Dynamics of Marketing 291 Jocelyn Gomez

Further Investigations: Latino/a Economic Contributions and Developments 298

25 Latino/a Voter Suppression: An Overview of Methods 300 Raúl Melgoza Jr.

26 Environmental Racism 313 Rebecca Gómez

Further Investigations: Latino Voter Suppression, Representation, and Environmental Racism 325

27 Critical Issues for the Latino/a LGBT Community 327 David Guzman

Further Investigations: Latino/a LGBT Critical Issues 337

28 Foreign Relations 338 Miriam Morales

29 United States Cuban Relations: The Cuban Five 346 Ariana Chavez and Gabriel Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: Latinos/as, International Relations, and Foreign Policy 358

30 Latino/a Military Participation and Education 359 Tomás F. Summers Sandoval Jr.

viii | Contents

31 Latinos, Cultural Identity, and U.S. Military Service: Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq 368 Miguel Jimenez

Further Investigations: Latinos/as and Military Service 386

32 Sparking the Latino Political Imagination: A Conversation with Presente.org Cofounder and Writer Roberto Lovato 387 Oriel María Siu

Further Investigations: Presente.org 398

33 Biography: Linda Chavez-Thompson 399 Jocelyn Gomez

34 Biography: Sonia Sotomayor 403 Selene Salas

Further Investigations: Linda Chavez-Thompson and Sonia Sotomayor 406

Volume I1

Section 5: Health Issues and Community Transformation

35 Latinos/as and Obesity 409 Monica Hernandez

36 Alcohol Industry Marketing in Latino/a Communities 417 Cynthia Cifuentes

Further Investigations: Marketing and Consumption 425

37 Food Justice: Marketing to the Latino/a Communities 427 Soraira Urquiza

38 Community and Home Gardens: Transformative Spaces for Lower-Income Communities of Color 439 Nadia Zepeda

Further Investigations: Food Justice and Food Sovereignty 448

39 The Wall·Las Memorias Project and Monument 449 Gabriel Gutiérrez and David Guzman

Further Investigations: Community Advocacy and HIV/AIDS Awareness 458

40 Biography: Eva M. Moya 459 Bryant Partida

41 Biography: Richard H. Carmona 463 Adan Garcia

Contents | ix

42 Biography: Richard L. Zaldivar 467 Gabriel Gutiérrez and David Guzman

Further Investigations: Health Advocates 470

Section 6: Education

43 Latina/o Language Minority Parental Involvement in ChildrenÊs Education 473 Lily Galanis-Olaez

44 Parent Alienation in Charter Schools 483 José Prado

Further Investigations: Parental Alienation and Involvement in Education 494

45 Latinas and the Educational Crisis 495 Eva J. Longoria

46 Latinas in Higher Education: Resistencia and Challenges 511 Nadia Zepeda

Further Investigations: Latinas in Secondary and Higher Education 517

47 Latino/a High School Graduation and Push-Out/Dropout Rates 519 Norma Franco

48 School-to-Prison Pipeline: Personal and Professional Experiences 528 Alberto Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: Push-Out/Dropout and School-to-Prison Pipeline 543

49 Multicultural Mathematics 545 Gabriel Gutiérrez and Monica Armendariz

50 Multicultural Science Education 555 Gabriel Gutiérrez and Monica Armendariz

Further Investigations: Multicultural Mathematics and Science Education 562

51 No Child Left Behind 563 Angelica Amezcua

Further Investigations: Latinos/as and Education Reforms 572

52 Bilingual Education Policy 574 Lily Galanis-Olaez

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53 The Struggle for Mexican American Studies at Tucson Unified School District: A Case Study 588 Bryant Partida

54 Transnational Pedagogy: Moving From Immigrant Narratives to Critical Consciousness 608 Francisco Noé Tamayo

Further Investigations: Education Policy and Culturally Relevant Education 627

55 Biography: Jaime Escalante 629 Gabriel Gutiérrez

Further Investigations: Jaime Escalante 633

Section 7: Arts, Literature, Entertainment, and Youth Culture

56 Chicano/a Theater History: From Spanish Religious Plays to the Chicano Secret Service 637 Tomas Carrasco

Further Investigations: Latino/a Cultural Affirmation across Geography and Time 659

57 The Erasure of Mexicans in Blade Runner 660 Daniel Valencia

Further Investigations: Science Fiction and Representations of the Future of Latinos and Latinas 673

58 U.S Spanish- Language Television Network Ownership 674 Mario Tolentino

59 Latina/o Representation in U.S. Spanish-Language Television: Telenovelas and Identity 683 José F. Amaro

Further Investigations: U.S. Spanish-Language Media 692

60 Graffiti: Creating Alternative Life Spaces with Art 693 Norma Franco

61 Th3 Vid30 Gam3 1ndustry and Latinos/as 704 Mario Tolentino

62 Skateboarding in Barrios and Hoods 716 Angel F. Hernandez

Further Investigations: Latino/a Youth Cultural Practices 737

63 Biography: Sandra Cisneros 738 Norma Franco

Contents | xi

64 Biography: Josefina Lopez 741 Monica Hernandez

65 Biography: Eugene Rodriguez 745 José F. Amaro

Further Investigations: Biographies: Literature and the Arts 750

Section 8: Media Literacy

66 Media Policy and Latinos/as at the Turn of the 21st Century 753 Gabriel Gutiérrez

67 The Alternative Media in Noncommercial Radio: The Case of Soul Rebel Radio 760 Miguel Paredes

Further Investigations: Media Policy and Alternative Media 775

68 The Digital Divide and the Latino Community: A New Conceptualization 777 Romelia Salinas

69 With His iPhone in His Hands: Documenting Stories of Place and Belonging en el Nuevo American South in the Age of Digital Technology 786 Salvador Barajas

Further Investigations: Digital Technology, Literacy, and Latinos and Latinas 798

Recommended Resources 799

Index 801

About the Editor and Contributors 825

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xiii

Preface

L atinos and Latinas at Risk: Issues in Education, Health, Community, and Jus-tice introduces the complexities of U.S. Latino/a quality-of-life themes at the turn of the 21st century, and spans five presidential administrations. It is intended to place a human face on a population that has been addressed and represented at times in unflattering ways in news stories, popular films, music, and other forms of cultural production. Various chapters trace the ways in which such representations affect social constructs of this very complex population that then lead to policy formation. At the same time, this book addresses the agency on the part of Latinos/ as to forge through and proactively work toward positive quality-of-life outcomes, despite a number of obstacles in the way. It is hoped that students, educators, par- ents, policy makers, and the casual reader will find the chapters in this book chal- lenging, thought provoking, and informative. For as much as has been concluded about Latinos/as, there is still so much more we do not know about this diverse and highly complex population.

I share with my students the necessity to view conclusions not only as the end of an extended thought process, but also as a point of departure for new questions. In this regard, this book is far from perfect or all-knowing. Various chapters in this book challenge the conventional notions of identity that situate Latinos/as primar- ily as „Americans.‰ Within this context, Latinos/as are often portrayed as recently arrived immigrants who carry the burden of eliminating their own cultural prac- tices in order to assimilate with what have been deemed „American‰ cultural at- tributes. As such, this usually results in deculturation and the attempt to gauge and judge Latino/a cultural and political practices through limited, often anglicized, understandings of the world. In fact, the diversity of experiences among Latinos/as with relation to the United States emphasizes the complexities and diverse experi- ences of the various groups that fall within the Latino/a category. While it is true that immigration forms a substantial part of the Latino/a experience, it is also true that the historical legacy of U.S. foreign policy, military conquest, and economic and cultural imperialism within the Western Hemisphere also form a substantial part of displacement of Indigenous populations and the immigrant experience. To assert that Latinos/as are an „emerging‰ population within the United States is to deny their longevity on this continent. Historically, the origins of Latino/a peoples

xiv | Preface

predate those of the United States itself. The United States has existed for 238 years, yet Latinos/as can trace their origin on this continent to tens, and according to some estimates, hundreds of thousands of years. Thus, being „American‰ is a substan- tial part, though not the totality of being Latino/a. These contexts affect the ways in which we ask questions about the Latino/a experience within the United States, and, they require reframing of identity and policy considerations in such areas as immigration, culturally relevant education, and access to political, cultural, and material well-being.

Content

Latinos and Latinas at Risk: Issues in Education, Health, Community, and Justice consists of 69 chapters, which are chapters that were organized by the Center for the Study of the Peoples of the Americas (CESPA) at California State University, Northridge. Most of the chapters are written by young, emerging scholars whose collective perspective adds a fresh dimension to the very critical questions facing Latinos/as. With an eye on the future and an increasingly critical understanding of the past, many of these chapters reflect research and scholarly directions of work that will become formidable in the near future. As with any ambitious work such as this, not all questions could be addressed, but the scope of these chapters is driven by organic questions of the contributors themselves around selected topics.

The chapters are divided into eight sections. Section 1, „Latinos and Latinas: An Overview,‰ begins with the question „Who Are Latinos and Latinas?‰ It relies on the most recent U.S. Census data, from 2010, to provide an overview of Latinos/ as geographically, in terms of identity, and political, economic, and educational attainment.

„Cultural Diversity and Public Policy,‰ Section 2, examines the current state of „culture wars,‰ questions of diversity, and public policy as these pertain to Lati- nos/as. Specific attention is paid to the rhetoric of Latinos/as as „outsiders‰ and „recent arrivals‰ in U.S. society and its impact on policy decisions as they pertain to Latinos/as.

Section 3, „Migration and Immigration,‰ reexamines the Latino/a „outsider‰ and „recent arrival‰ narrative by examining so-called discovery myths of the Americas and the knowledge we have about the first peopling of the Americas. This is sig- nificant because it requires reconsiderations of the chronology of traditional U.S. history by examining European settlements in land that became part of the United States, prior to the United States occupying it. It further points to the existence of non-Western civilizations prior to the arrival of European institutions. These con- siderations further require a reanalysis of historical movement from East to West to that of South and North. A third consideration of this section is the series of links

Preface | xv

between Indigenous peoples of the past with present-day identity formation which is found in cultural sustainability in spite of efforts to „homogenize,‰ „national- ize,‰ and otherwise erase Indigenous cultural forms among Latinos/as. For exam- ple, there is a vibrant Maya community in Los Angeles that celebrates its culture. Stereotyping of Latino/a immigrants is a persistent problem, which is explored in this section, and is shown to lead to the resistance of passage of the Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act in Congress, which puts enormous obstacles in front of young people, who have been brought to the United States as children of undocumented immigrant parents.

Section 4, „The Economy, Politics, and Social Justice,‰ examines various themes concerning how politics and economic fluctuations affect Latinos/as and how in turn Latinos/as affect politics and the economy. Attention is paid to issues of social justice that have a direct link to political and economic developments. Included in this section are chapters that discuss economic events and issues such as the Great RecessionÊs effects on the Latino/a community; remittances, as Latinos/as save and send money home to family outside the United States; political issues such as the methods that have been used to discourage voters who are Latino/a; the relations between the United States and Latin American countries; military participation by Latinos; social issues such as critical questions about self-worth among LGBT Latino/a youth; and other important economic, political, and social concerns.

„Health Issues and Community Transformation‰ is Section 5. It examines Latino/a awareness and „literacy‰ of health issues. Specifically this section focuses on the identification of health concerns and the proactive approaches Latinos/as have taken in addressing them, especially noting efforts to improve nutrition and food quality in some Latino/a communities, which directly affect such health con- cerns as high levels of heart disease, diabetes, and obesity.

Section 6, „Education,‰ covering both educational practices and education pol- icy, examines the highly complex issues related to learning and teaching and the culture that surround them. Issues of culturally relevant education, parental alien- ation, and educational reform movements, as well as the troubling evidence of a „school-to-prison pipeline‰ and examples of teaching environments that may en- courage a high level of dropouts are examined, as are proactive responses to these conditions on the part of Latinos/as.

Section 7, „Literature, Arts, Entertainment and Youth Culture,‰ examines the ways that Chicano theater, movies, and Spanish-language television have portrayed Latino cultures, both by Latinos/as themselves, and by mainstream American cul- ture. Youth culture chapters feature critical issues facing such cultural practices as graffiti art, video gaming, and skateboarding and raise questions about the crimi- nalization of these youth cultural practices.

„Media Literacy‰ in Section 8 provides examples of various ways in which Latino/a audiences and consumers can engage in critical analysis of media

xvi | Preface

production. It addresses questions of media policy; alternative media in radio, own- ership, representation; and new ways to negotiate meanings of cultural production and technologies.

Other Features

Some chapters are provided in the Latin American tradition of testimonios, or „tesi- monials,‰ which are personal recollections that contribute to collective memory, such as the „School-to-Prison Pipeline: Personal and Professional Experiences,‰ and both military chapters, „Latino Military Participation and Education‰ and „La- tinos, Cultural Identity, and U.S. Military Service: Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.‰ And some sections end with short biographies, which profile notable Latino/a indi- viduals who have made considerable contributions to the Latino/a community and to the United States. Finally, throughout the book, „Further Investigations‰ features follow individual chapters or groups of chapters. These „Further Investigations‰ raise thoughtful questions to inspire critical thinking about the points raised and to engage the reader in deeper understanding of the chapters.

A Style Note: This book uses the construction of „Latinos/as‰ or „Latino/a‰ meaning „Latinos and Latinas‰ and „Latino and Latina‰ as inclusive language to incorporate both sexes, not just male.

xvii

Acknowledgments

T his book would not have been possible without the work of many. Many of the ideas within this book were first conceptualized during my time as executive producer and host of The Morning Review with Gabriel Gutiérrez at the Pacifica NetworkÊs Los Angeles affiliate KPFK. I am grateful to former program direc- tor Armando Gudiño. I owe an intellectual debt to Producer Bianka Solano who worked tirelessly on a serial segment called „The CESPA Report on the Americas‰ that helped to form my own analysis of U.S. Latinos/as as active participants in a broader and larger political, economic, and cultural landscape that expanded be- yond U.S. geopolitical borders. The work of the DREAMERs, particularly Lizbeth Mateo and Alma de Jesus, is inspiring. I am lucky to work and teach with such won- derful colleagues in the Department of Chicano/a Studies at California State Uni- versity, Northridge, the largest of its kind. I am grateful to the preeminent Chicano/a Historian Rodolfo Acuña whom I have had the pleasure of sharing an office with for some 13 years. He encouraged me to take this project on and offered stimulating conversation and unparalleled insight. Jorge Garcia has been very generous with his wisdom, collegiality, and time. I appreciate the few minutes of a day in which we can share a cup of café or iced tea to talk shop. Mary Pardo, Chair of the Depart- ment of Chicano/a Studies at CSUN, has been encouraging of this and other proj- ects. Zaragosa Vargas encouraged me early on to ask critical questions and offered much support during my time as a graduate student. Zaragosa also engaged some of the early questions I had that found their way to this project. My compadre Jeff Garcilazo convinced me over the course of a 12 hour conversation when I was an undergrad to pursue this profession. Though he is no longer with us physically, I think of him often and know he is smiling somewhere. A great debt is owed to the many contributors to this book. The topics and analysis are in my estimation cutting edge and thought provoking. IÊd like to thank Anne Thompson, senior development editor at ABC-CLIO/Greenwood, for her professionalism and insightful feedback throughout this process. Every author should be so lucky to work with somebody like Anne. I am grateful to Kim Kennedy White, senior acquisitions editor at ABC- CLIO, for her tremendous support on this and other projects. Sasikala Rajesh and Bridget Austiguy-Preschel provided guidance during the copy editing process and Erin RyanÊs search for photographs all contributed to a more dynamic book.

xviii | Acknowledgments

A project like this is not successful if not for family sacrifices. Work on this proj- ect stole away family time during recesses from the regular academic year and dur- ing school nights when lifeÊs demands seemed most pressing. I am grateful to my wife Monica Armendariz for her intellectual guidance, critique, and support during this journey. During the last three years in which this project was completed, our children Gabriel H. and Yaneli transitioned into life as university students and our daughter Izel A. entered high school. It has been a wonderful experience to watch them grow and do well in all aspects of life. They are my inspiration.

Finally, one does not have a choice into which family one is born. Every day, I count my blessings. I thank my siblings Abel, Beatriz, Martin, Ricardo, Veronica, Elsa, Socorro, and Laura for their mentorship and guidance. My Âama and Âapa, to whom this project is dedicated, are the reason I chose the path I did. My father tells a story of how as a freshman high school football player in Texas, he and his team- mates were once denied entry to a hotel for an away game on the basis that they were Mexican. They were welcomed with a sign that read „No Mexicans, N******, or Dogs Allowed.‰ The irony of this experience was that the following night his team won their only game of the season and the opposing team, a perennial state power, lost its only game. But, there was no poetic justice in the fact that such dehuman- ization and segregation had material consequences wherein resources, curriculum, and other factors that set school children on a path to inherit differential social re- alities as adults. As a high school and university student, I witnessed my mother speaking at demonstrations against environmental racism, for education rights, and addressing other social injustices. Together, my parents have exemplified human dignity, self-love, and the importance of collective action. Lamentably, the issues they faced are not a thing of the past, but part of an enduring legacy. It is hoped that the chapters in this book contribute to a constructive dialogue that dignifies and humanizes the Latino/a experience.

SECTION 1

LATINOS AND LATINAS: AN OVERVIEW

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3

1 Who Are Latinos and Latinas?

Gabriel Gu tiérrez

T here is no singular cultural or political identity that defines Latinos and Latinas . Latino and Latina are masculine and feminine for the pan-ethnicity that is par- ticular to the United States and includes people who historically derive from regions of the Americas that were at one time conquered and colonized by the Spanish, and in some cases the United States at a later time. As such, these individuals emerge from communities that are predominately Spanish-speaking, but that also continue to speak indigenous languages, often times mixing these with Spanish, and who also practice indigenous cultural sustainability. Particularly because of the latter two, there are distinct customs and cultural practices among Latinos and Latinas that reflect regional, geopolitical agency that embodies not a pan-ethnic identity, but an iden- tity particular to each group. The attempt to group these diverse communities into one is an invention of the 20th century, but one that seeks to account for the cultural adaptation, negotiation, assimilation, and contestation that reflects the creation of mestizo , a mixture of European and Indigenous, cultures throughout the hemisphere since the arrival of Europeans and within the various nationalities that have resulted since the early 19th-century wars of independence from European imperial control. In the United States, the English language and U.S. cultural, ideological, political, and economic practices contribute to this ever-evolving Latino/a mestizaje, the pro- cess of ethnic, cultural, and racial mixing, which has become increasingly complex, politicized, and at times contested.

Historian Rodolfo Acuña wrote in 2003 that a search for pan-ethnicity was gener- ated by „politicians, the media, and marketers‰ who „find it convenient to deal with the different U.S. Spanish-speaking people under one umbrella‰ (Acuña 2003, 1). The U.S. Census also has played a role in trying to account for people of differ- ent Latin American nationalities within the United States. Nonetheless, accord- ing to Acuña, some people contest the attempts to place pan-ethnic labels because „no Latino or Hispanic nationality exists since no Latino state exists.‰ Such crit- ics of pan-ethnic identity make the argument that „the purpose (of creating a pan- ethnic label for this population) was to erase the historical memory of the various Spanish-speaking groups‰ (Acuña 2003, 1). Increasingly, considerations for the

| Section 1: Latinos and Latinas4

root of this pan-ethnicity have included different variations of indigenous people whose linguistic and cultural practices predate the Spanish conquest. In this sense, it can be stated that the attempt to amalgamate or „lump together‰ people with one common characteristic defies their many complex distinctions. Such attempts have led to lively discussion.

An August 2003 article by Washington Post journalist Darryl Fears (2003), titled „Latinos or Hispanics? A Debate about Identity,‰ posed several questions about who Latinos and Latinas in the United Sates are and how they identify themselves. The article pointed to contentious debates involving not only the semiotics of the terms „Latino‰ and „Hispanic‰ as chosen pan-ethnic labels for people residing in the United States, but of much deeper historical, class, ethnic, and racial consider- ations. As the article and subsequent articles have illustrated, people who fall under either term evoke strong opinions, usually allying themselves with historical lega- cies inherited by one of two sides, the vanquished or the conqueror, in this complex human saga of people who could be categorized by either designation. Using their points of reference as indigenous members of conquered, colonized, and decoloniz- ing communities, versus those of peninsular, European origin, members of this pan- ethnic group often refer to themselves as Latino and Latina or Hispanic respectively.

For the purposes of this book, preference is given to use of the terms Latino and Latina because they posit an attempt to understand longer historical processes in an effort to better understand contemporary issues. This provides for self-reflection and critique. In this light, the term Hispanic is shallow in its attempt to describe people simply in linguistic terms, denying the presence of contributions by indig- enous populations, and appears more assimilationist and at times invokes notions of supposed European supremacy. Thus, Hispanic as a term negates different points of origin and hence different paths Latinos and Latinas have taken in engaging mainstream U.S. society. Still, the terms Latino and Latina are not without their problems. Like the more generic Hispanic, these terms seek to generalize and often commodify a very diverse population. In fact, it can be stated that people consider Latino and Latina to be political terms for the wrong reasons. For instance, people choose these terms as alternatives to Hispanic in an effort to de-emphasize the Spanish/European and give more credence to indigenous origins, in what are today considered the Americas. In doing so, there is failure in also acknowledging that Latino and Latina are themselves terms of irony. The root word, Latin, is taken from the Roman Empire, a pillar of „Western Civilization‰ and all its requisite military conquests as well as colonial cultural and ideological practices in relation to non- Western civilizations. This root word is then Hispanicized by the application of the suffixes „o‰ and „a.‰ So, in essence, two „Western‰ linguistic modes are appropri- ated in order to affirm what are intended to be non-Western, indigenous roots in the Americas for people residing in the United States.

Who Are Latinos and Latinas? | 5

It is clear that identity, hence, plays a significant role in placing individuals and communities within multiple contexts. It is also clearly important to critically as- sess language, as it is forever a living thing, for as long as there is interpretation and analysis, knowledge is not finite. Deconstructing hegemonic codification·the systemic arrangement of ruling or dominant political or social terminology·is necessary in that it demonstrates that though we can arrive at a conclusion as in this case to employ the terms Latino and Latina, this does not mean that such a conclusion is final. Indeed this in not truer than in the contemporary discussion of pan-ethnic identity.

Some who adhere to the Latino or Latina moniker cite a historical legacy of con- quest and subsequent colonization and systemic oppression. For them, identity is rooted not only in the contemporary, but in the historical timeline of acts, events, and policies that served as a pro- cess to determine present-day social, economic, political, cul- tural, and ideological position- ality. To them, the convergence of two worlds, one Western and the other non-Western, over sev- eral centuries is at the base of their worldview. In the above- referenced Washington Post article, Sandra Cisneros, a Chi- cana poet and novelist, refer- ring to the term Hispanic, stated, „To me, itÊs like a slave name.‰ Luis J. Rodriguez, a Chicano au- thor observed, „Hispanic doesnÊt work for me because itÊs about people from Spain. IÊm Mexi- can, and we were conquered by people from Spain, so itÊs kind of an insult.‰ José Ramos, Director of the United Salvadoran Amer- ican Civic Committee in Wash- ington D.C. stated that „Hispanic is a category for the U.S. Cen- sus. ItÊs a formality. For me, the correct term is Latino. It identi- fies people who speak the same

Author Sandra Cisneros sits for a portrait in San Antonio on September 16, 2002. “You can't get famous in Texas,” she writes in her novel, Caramelo. Cisneros defies that theme as her fame grows from coast to coast. (AP Photo/Eric Gay)

| Section 1: Latinos and Latinas6

language, people who share a vision of the historical meaning of our community. I am Salvadoran, and I am Latino.‰

Others identify with the term Hispanic for several reasons. For example, Duard Bradshaw who is of Panamanian descent and President of the Hispanic National Bar Association said, „IÊll tell you why I like the word Hispanic. If we use the word Latino, it excludes the Iberian peninsula and the Spaniards. The Iberian pen- insula is where we came from. We all have that little thread thatÊs from Spain‰ (Fears 2003). Others argue that the political clout of pan-ethnicity is significant to advancement in the United States. Colombian American Vincent Pinzon, who is President and Founder of the Americas Foundation, stressed this point stating, „ItÊs a great gift that the government of the United States gave us. If you want to acquire political muscle in this country, and you say youÊre just Argentinean or Colombian, then you have none‰ (Fears 2003). Typically, as Fears points out, the term Hispanic is used by a wide array of people. He writes that, „Cuban im- migrants in Miami, conservative Mexican Americans in Texas and a group of Spanish descendants in New Mexico are among the groups that strongly identify themselves as Hispanic.‰

The application of Hispanic as a political term in some instances is not with- out historical reference to a supposed racial superiority. For instance, during the 2008 presidential election, Fernando de Baca, the chairman of Bernalillo County Republicans in New Mexico, stressed his support for Republican candidate Jon McCain over eventual winner Barack Obama. Emphasizing what he perceived to be a racial superiority of Hispanics over black Americans, de Baca declared, „The truth is that Hispanics came here as conquerors, African-Americans came here as slaves. Hispanics consider themselves above blacks. They wonÊt vote for a black president‰ (Kelly 2008). In addition to its appropriation of white supremacist ide- als, such a proclamation demonstrated a point of contention that denies the multira- cial origins of Latinos and Latinas to include people of African ancestry. Scholars have examined the African presence in Latin America since colonial times. While such African ancestry is evident in the Caribbean as well as in parts of Central and South America as well as Mexico, anthropologist Martha Menchaca (2001) points out the roots of „Indian, White, and Black racial history‰ among Mexican Ameri- cans. Still an even more complex consideration is introduced by historian Rodolfo Acuña who writes that as many as 100,000 Filipino slaves may have been brought to the Americas and declared as „cargo‰ or „contraband‰ in Acapulco and San Blas respectively where they were then sold to the mines and haciendas of colonial New Spain. In order to make this a legal transaction, „slave traders labeled them African because the law limited slavery to Africans‰ (Acuña 2007, 5). Lack of historical and racial understandings aside, de Baca evidently didnÊt have a pulse on Latino and Latina voting preferences. An exit poll conducted by the Pew Hispanic Center

Who Are Latinos and Latinas? | 7

found that Latinos and Latinas voted for Barack Obama/Joseph Biden over John McCain/Sarah Palin by a margin of 67% to 31% (Lopez 2008).

While the terms Latino/a and Hispanic refer to either Spanish or to a mixture of Spanish heritage with one of the many cultural and racial groups Spain conquered and colonized, another dimension of political identity has persisted since preco- lonial times. Regional identities have marked a desire for local autonomy in po- litical and economic matters, particularly as these pertain to management of local resources. While such resources have fallen into the hands of imperial forces, the struggle for sustainability and survival of an indigenous worldview persists. For instance, among Puerto Ricans, the political identity „Boricua‰ refers to the origi- nal name of the island known as Boriken to the native Taínos (Allatson 2007, 47). Similarly, some people of Mexican ancestry living in the United States self-identify as „Chicano‰ or „Chicana‰ which is taken from Mexica (whom the Spaniards called Aztecs), as a reference to having indigenous roots in this land that predates the United States itself. While some might limit this understanding to present-day Mex- ican borders, in truth, linguistically, the „Uto-Aztecan‰ language transcends bor- ders and boundaries to include present-day areas in the United States and Mexico (Casad and Willet 2000). Hence, an emphasis is placed on territorial occupation that precedes cession of land to the United States on the one hand, and stresses an identity that predates the United States on the other. While some of these identities may have taken traction in the tumultuous Civil Rights era, evidence exists of the continued indigenous migration to and from the United States.

Business consultant Louis Nevear noted that in San Francisco „requests for in- terpreters who spoke ÂIndianÊ languages from southern Mexico and Central Amer- ica‰ began in the 1980s as people fled the civil wars in Central America (Nevear 2007). The New York Times in July 2011 reported that „A procession of American Indians marched through Sunset Park, Brooklyn, on a weekend afternoon in early May, bouncing to a tribal beat. They dressed in a burst of colors, wore tall head- dresses and danced in circles, as custom dictated, along a short stretch of the park.‰ What made this experience distinct in the eyes of the reporter was that the Tlaxcala group he observed „spoke exclusively in Spanish‰ (Decker 2011). The idea of Mex- ican Indians in present-day New York is not as unlikely as 19th-century merchant Alfred Robinson writing to his father-in-law Jose de la Guerra of Santa Barbara, California, from New York on January 20, 1845, „During the past year we have become acquainted with many Spaniards from Spain, Havana, and South America and when after a short time we were invited to a gathering of a hundred or more, thought the chatter of conversation it appeared that we were rather in a house in Madrid than one in New York‰ (Robinson 1972, 18). Among the „Spaniards‰ from „South America‰ was de la GuerraÊs daughter Anita and on occasion other family members from pre-Mexican-American War Alta California.

| Section 1: Latinos and Latinas8

The case of Mexican Indians in present-day New York as well as increased mi- gration to the United States South could very well be attributed in part to the signing by President Bill Clinton of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994. It was reported that „Seventy percent of the 57,000 American Indians living in New York City are of Hispanic origin, according to census figures,‰ a number that reflects the „raised awareness among native Latinos who believe their heritage stretches farther back than the nationalities available on the census form.‰ An example of this is Carlos A. Quiroz, an activist and blogger who was born in Peru. According to journalist Geoffrey Decker, Quiroz checked off that he was a „Non-Hispanic‰ American Indian, because „Hispanic is not a race. Hispanic is not a culture. Hispanic is an invention by some people who wanted to erase the identity of indigenous communities in America‰ (Decker 2011).

NAFTA, while opening up financial opportunities for U.S.-owned multinational corporations, has had consequences in Mexico that directly affected developments within U.S. borders. Among the consequences, sociologist Alejandro Portes writes that 12 years after implementation of NAFTA, unemployment in Mexico has risen, more than half the labor force earns a living from „invented jobs in the informal economy,‰ and „peasant agriculture‰ has been gutted by the encroachment of agri- business among many other consequences (Portes 2006). The displacement and continued marginalization of Mexicans in the post-NAFTA era have resulted in agency on their part. Mexicans have responded to NAFTA by a variety of acts that include occupation of unused land to either establish homes or to use in sus- tainable agriculture, internal migration from rural to pueblo and eventually urban areas, and emigration into the United States. In his book, The Children of NAFTA, David Bacon addresses the consequences of these very developments on residents of Mexico. Bacon writes that since the signing of NAFTA, some laws have been made more punitive with the intent to protect private landowners and make exam- ples of leaders of labor and social movements. One such example is the prosecution of the crime despejo agravado. Despejo is „in the books throughout Mexico‰ but despejo agravado is particular to the state of Baja California. Despejo is defined by a Baja California prosecutor as „using land or water belonging to someone else, without their authorization, in a furtive (secretive) manner‰ (Bacon 2004, 122). In- terestingly, by attaching the agravado·aggravated·clause, this law is utilized to prosecute and imprison leaders of social movements who have led occupations of unused land for the poor, an act that is not „furtive‰ or secretive as the law requires. The incarceration of such leaders as Julio Sandoval and Beatríz Chávez followed their building of cardboard and plywood shelters along with other farm workers on barren, unused hillsides (Bacon 2004, 121 130).

Other consequences of NAFTA include the increase of migratory movement and eventual emigration into the United States which was brought about by this