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Writing Assignment

President Lincoln's goal for reconstruction remained linked to his goal in the war-preserve the Union. His plan favored leniency, in order to as quickly as possible reintegrate the south, and gain the support of Southern Unionists (mostly former Whigs). Radical Republicans urged a much harsher course, believing that the south was unrepentant and should bear the costs of Reconstruction.

INSTRUCTIONS:
In order to prepare you must complete the following readings:

Review the section in Chapter 17 which discusses the Black Codes, and the linked document, taken from the writings of William A. Dunning Click for more options .
Review the relevant sections of Chapter 18: The Southern Burden and Life in the New South.
Review and identify relevant information on the linked PBS American Experience site, Reconstruction The Second Civil War
Utilize at least one of the linked sources to support your discussion.
Identify and incorporate at least one additional outside source to support your discussion. In addition to the textbook, you may use any material outside of the textbook
that is recommended in the Additional Reading section at the end of each chapter. You are also encouraged to do your own research and identify relevant sources. Please keep in mind that WIKIPEDIA is not an acceptable reference.
PREPARE AND SUBMIT:
Write a well-organized essay, a minimum of 700 words (but not limited to), including supporting details from the documents/textbook/other sources in which you analyze and discuss the material that has been assigned by addressing the following question:

In your opinion, were the Radical Republicans correct in their assumptions regarding the South, or could Lincoln's approach have paved the way for a continuation of the political, social and economic gains that African Americans had achieved during reconstruction? Support your argument(s) including information from assigned and linked readings
Reminders
Paragraphs in an essay are not numbered. Any questions that are associated with an assigned reading are there to serve as a guide for your discussion.
Your discussion should incorporate all of the information from the documents and or textbook, and outside sources as one essay.
Students are required to research and incorporate into their discussions additional sources that relate to the content. Recommendations can be found in at the end of the textbook chapter in Additional Reading.
All statements must be supported and all sources must be identified and cited, and included in your reference list. This also applies to the textbook. Failure to do so constitutes Plagiarism, and the college has strict policies and penalties for failure to comply. Under the Resources, you will find links to sites that review how to format a paper or essay. I recommend that students use APA or Chicago Style to format their essay. Students should ask their instructor which format style they prefer you to use.
Proofread your work. Make sure that you have looked for all of the spelling and grammatical errors and corrected them, and that you have organized your work into coherent paragraphs.
Prepare the assignment as a Word Document, double-spaced and using a standard font of 12 points.
Submit via the Dropbox as an ATTACHMENT. Any work that is submitted directly into the box will be graded as a 0.
Point Value: 100

Grading Criteria:

Analysis and discussion (60%)
Support for discussion (30%)
Organization (10%)
Reminder: All written work must comply with standard English rules, such as proper capitalization, grammar, and spelling. The assignment must be submitted by the deadline listed in the calendar.

Note: Even though you will see a statement giving you the option of copy/paste or file attachment, please disregard this statement. You are required to attach the assignment in MS Word format.

1. How are my students performing?

2. How is this particular student performing?

3. How is my section performing?

4. How eff ective are my assignments?

5. How eff ective is this particular assignment?

McGraw-Hill’s Connect Insight® is a fi rst-of- its-kind analytics tool that distills clear answers to these fi ve questions and delivers them to instructors in at-a-glance snapshots.

Connect Insight’s® elegant navigation makes it intuitive and easy-to-use, allowing you to focus on what is important: helping your students succeed.

. . . IS NOW HISTORY!

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U.S.: A Narrative History off ers thirty interactive maps that support geographical as well as historical thinking. These maps appear in both the eBook and Connect History exercises.

For some interactive maps, students click on the boxes in the map legend to see changing boundaries, visualize migration routes, or analyze war battles and election results.

With others, students manipulate a slider to help them better understand change over time.

Interactive maps give students a hands-on understanding of geography.

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SPANISH POSSESSIONS

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U.S.: A Narrative History is a 21st-century approach to teaching history. Students study smarter with SmartBook.

The fi rst and only adaptive reading experience, SmartBook is changing the way students read and learn.

• As the student engages with SmartBook, questions test his or her understanding. In response to the student’s answers, the reading experience actually adapts to what the student knows or doesn’t know.

• SmartBook highlights the content the student is struggling with, so he or she can focus on reviewing that information.

• By focusing on the content needed to close specifi c knowledge gaps, the student maximizes the effi ciency of his or her study time.

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Critical missions promote critical thinking. What would your students do if they were senators voting on the impeachment of Andrew Johnson?

Or if they were advisers to Harry Truman, helping him decide whether to drop the atomic bomb?

Critical Missions make students feel like active participants in history by immersing them in a series of transformative moments from our past.

As advisers to key historical fi gures, they read and analyze primary sources, interpret maps and timelines, and write recommendations.

As a follow-up activity in each Critical Mission, students learn to think like historians by conducting a retrospective analysis from a contemporary perspective.

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U.S. A N A R R A T I V E H I S T O R Y

Seventh Edit ion James West Davidson

Christine Leigh Heyrman University of Delaware

Brian DeLay University of California, Berkeley

Mark H. Lytle Bard College

Michael B. Stoff University of Texas, Austin

V O L U M E 2 : F R O M 1 8 6 5

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U.S.: A Narrative History AUTHORS

James West Davidson Brian DeLay Christine Leigh Heyrman Mark H. Lytle Michael B. Stoff

SENIOR VICE PRESIDENT, PRODUCTS & MARKETS Kurt L. Strand VICE PRESIDENT, GENERAL MANAGER, PRODUCTS & MARKETS Michael Ryan VICE PRESIDENT, CONTENT DESIGN & DELIVERY Kimberly Meriwether David

MANAGING DIRECTOR Gina Boedeker BRAND MANAGER Laura Wilk

LEAD PRODUCT DEVELOPER Rhona Robbin EXECUTIVE MARKETING MANAGER Stacy Ruel Best

MARKETING MANAGER April Cole DIGITAL PRODUCT ANALYST John Brady

DIRECTOR, CONTENT DESIGN & DELIVERY Terri Schiesl PROGRAM MANAGER Marianne Musni

CONTENT PROJECT MANAGER Christine A. Vaughan CONTENT PROJECT MANAGER Emily Kline

BUYER Laura M. Fuller DESIGN Matt Backhaus

CONTENT LICENSING SPECIALIST, IMAGES Lori Hancock CONTENT LICENSING SPECIALIST, TEXT Beth Thole

COMPOSITOR Laserwords Private Limited TYPEFACE 10/12 UniMath PRINTER R. R. Donnelley

U.S.: A Narrative History, Seventh Edition Published by McGraw-Hill Education, 2 Penn Plaza, New York, NY 10121. Copyright © 2015 by McGraw-Hill Edu- cation. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Previous editions © 2012, 2009. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education, including, but not limited to, in any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning.

Some ancillaries, including electronic and print components, may not be available to customers outside the United States.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 DOW/DOW 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4

ISBN 978-0-07-778042-5 (complete); MHID 0-07-778042-6 (complete)

ISBN 978-0-07-351330-0 (volume 1); MHID 0-07-351330-X (volume 1)

ISBN 978-0-07-778036-4 (volume 2); MHID 0-07-778036-1 (volume 2)

Cover image credits: Miss Ting; Idaho farm; woman weaving; “Our City” lithograph of St. Louis, Janicke and Co. 1859; “Pocahantas Saving the Life of Capt. John Smith,”(detail); “Heart of the Klondike”(detail): The Library of Congress; Caesar Chavez (detail): © Arthur Schatz/Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images; Hopewell Hand: © Heritage Images/Corbis; Freedman’s School: © Bettmann/Corbis; “Mandan Dog Sled,” Karl Bodmer: © Free Library, Phila- delphia/Bridgeman Images; “Tragic Prelude” (detail): © Kansas State Historical Society; “Mrs. Chandler” (detail): Courtesy, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.; Uncle Sam with Banjo: HistoryPicks; View from Space: © NASA/ JSC; Buffalo Hunt: Courtesy, National Gallery of Art, Washington.

All credits appearing on page or at the end of the book are considered to be an extension of the copyright page.

Library of Congress Control Number: 2014943610

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17 Reconstructing the Union 1865–1877 332

18 The New South and the Trans-Mississippi West 1870–1890 351

19 The New Industrial Order 1870–1900 374

20 The Rise of an Urban Order 1870–1900 395

21 The Political System under Strain at Home and Abroad 1877–1900 417

22 The Progressive Era 1890–1920 442

23 The United States and the Collapse of the Old World Order 1901–1920 465

24 The New Era 1920–1929 488

25 The Great Depression and the New Deal 1929–1939 510

26 America’s Rise to Globalism 1927–1945 540

27 Cold War America 1945–1954 568

28 The Suburban Era 1945–1963 588

29 Civil Rights and Uncivil Liberties 1947–1969 611

30 The Vietnam Era 1963–1975 631

31 The Conservative Challenge 1976–1992 656

32 The United States in a Global Community 1989–Present 681

SOME HIGHLIGHTS: DUELING DOCUMENTS is a new feature appearing in half the chapters. Each box showcases two pri- mary sources with contrasting points of view.

HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX, alternating with Dueling Documents, showcases historical images and arti- facts, asking students to focus on visual evidence and examine material culture. New items in this edition include “A White Man’s View of Custer’s Defeat,” exhibiting a popular lithograph on the subject and discussing its iconography; “Youth in a Jar,” analyzing an advertisement for beauty cream; stills from the 1951 Civil Defense film, “Duck and Cover,” starring Bert the Turtle in atomic attack.

GEOGRAPHIC QUESTIONS have been added to many map captions to reinforce geographic liter- acy and to connect the maps to the chapter’s rel- evant themes.

CHAPTER 18, THE NEW SOUTH AND THE TRANS- MISSISSIPPI WEST discusses the costs of Jim Crow segregation to white as well as black south- erners; plus a discussion of the Navajo “Long Walk” or forced deportation from Arizona to east- ern New Mexico.

CHAPTER 20, THE RISE OF AN URBAN ORDER, con- tains a new opening narrative, “The Dogs of Hell,” evoking the famous Chicago fire of 1871.

CHAPTER 22, THE PROGRESSIVE ERA, includes new material on Margaret Sanger, birth control, and its relationship to a wave of forced steriliza- tions, as well as a new discussion of Progressiv- ism in western states. CHAPTER 24, THE NEW ERA, discusses the emer- gence of “Companionate Marriage,” in which companionship and sexual intimacy helped invest marriage with greater equality.

CHAPTER 28, THE SUBURBAN ERA, examines the “Cola Wars” between Coke and Pepsi, as an example of the role of advertising in a consumer economy.

CHAPTER 30, THE VIETNAM ERA, now ends with the fall of Saigon. Material on OPEC, the Middle East, and Kissinger-Ford diplomacy has been moved to Chapter 31. The restructuring makes both chapters more coherent and balanced in length.

CHAPTER 31, THE CONSERVATIVE CHALLENGE, pro- files Saturday Night Fever (the most popular box- office movie of the decade) to examine the era’s culture wars.

CHAPTER 32, THE UNITED STATES IN A GLOBAL COMMUNITY, expands to cover the troubled rollout of the Affordable Care Act, growing concern with income inequality, global warming and climate change; and the debate over hydraulic fracturing.

WHAT’S NEW U.S. BRIEF CONTENTS

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x | C O N T E N T S |

Racism and the Failure of Reconstruction 347

CHAPTER SUMMARY 349 | ADDITIONAL READING 349 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 350

18 THE NEW SOUTH AND THE TRANS-MISSISSIPPI WEST 1870–1890

AN AMERICAN STORY: “Come West” 351

The Southern Burden 352 Tenancy and Sharecropping 353

17 RECONSTRUCTING THE UNION 1865–1877

AN AMERICAN STORY: A Secret Sale at Davis Bend 332

Presidential Reconstruction 334 Lincoln’s 10 Percent Plan 334

Reconstruction under Andrew Johnson 334

The Failure of Johnson’s Program 335

Johnson’s Break with Congress 336

The Fourteenth Amendment 336

The Election of 1866 337

Congressional Reconstruction 337 Post-Emancipation Societies in the Americas 338

The Land Issue 338

Impeachment 338

Reconstruction in the South 339 Black and White Republicans 339

Reforms under the New State Governments 339

Economic Issues and Corruption 340

Black Aspirations 340 Experiencing Freedom 340

The Black Family 340

The Schoolhouse and the Church 341

New Working Conditions 341

Planters and a New Way of Life 343

The Abandonment of Reconstruction 343 The Grant Administration 343

Growing Northern Disillusionment 345

The Triumph of White Supremacy 346

The Disputed Election of 1876 346

HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX Dressed to Kill 347

Contents

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| C O N T E N T S | xi

Transportation and Communication 377

Finance Capital 378

The Corporation 378

An International Pool of Labor 378

Railroads: America’s First Big Business 379 A Managerial Revolution 380

Competition and Consolidation 381

The Challenge of Finance 381

The Growth of Big Business 381 Strategies of Growth 382

Carnegie Integrates Steel 382

Rockefeller and the Great Standard Oil Trust 383

The Mergers of J. Pierpont Morgan 384

Corporate Defenders 384

Corporate Critics 384

The Costs of Doing Business 385

The Workers’ World 386 Industrial Work 387

Children, Women, and African Americans 388

The American Dream of Success 389

The Systems of Labor 389 Early Unions 389

The Knights of Labor 389

HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX Digital Detecting 390

The American Federation of Labor 391

The Limits of Industrial Systems 391

Management Strikes Again 392

CHAPTER SUMMARY 393 | ADDITIONAL READING 393 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 394

Southern Industry 354

The Sources of Southern Poverty 355

Life in the New South 356 Rural Life 356

The Church 356

Segregation 357

Western Frontiers 357 Western Landscapes 358

Indian Peoples and the Western Environment 358

Whites and the Western Environment: Competing Visions 359

The War for the West 360 Contact and Conflict 361

Custer’s Last Stand—and the Indians’ 361

HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX A White Man’s View of Custer’s Defeat 363

Killing with Kindness 363

Borderlands 364

Ethno-Racial Identity in the New West 365

Boom and Bust in the West 366 Mining Sets a Pattern 366

The Transcontinental Railroad 366

Cattle Kingdom 367

The Final Frontier 368 Farming on the Plains 368

A Plains Existence 368

The Urban Frontier 369

The West and the World Economy 370

Packaging and Exporting the “Wild West” 370

CHAPTER SUMMARY 372 | ADDITIONAL READING 372 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 373

19 THE NEW INDUSTRIAL ORDER 1870–1900

AN AMERICAN STORY: Scampering through America 374

The Development of Industrial Systems 375 Natural Resources and Industrial Technology 376

Systematic Invention 376

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City Life 404 The Immigrant in the City 404

Urban Middle-Class Life 406

Victorianism and the Pursuit of Virtue 406

DUELING DOCUMENTS City Scenes 407

Challenges to Convention 408

The Decline of “Manliness” 409

City Culture 409 Public Education in an Urban Industrial World 409

Higher Learning and the Rise of the Professional 410

Higher Education for Women 411

A Culture of Consumption 412

Leisure 413

Arts and Entertainment 413

CHAPTER SUMMARY 415 | ADDITIONAL READING 415 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 416

21 THE POLITICAL SYSTEM UNDER STRAIN AT HOME AND ABROAD 1877–1900

AN AMERICAN STORY: “The World United at Chicago” 417

The Politics of Paralysis 419 Political Stalemate 419

The Parties 419

The Issues 420

The White House from Hayes to Harrison 421

Ferment in the States and Cities 422

20 THE RISE OF AN URBAN ORDER 1870–1900

AN AMERICAN STORY: “The Dogs of Hell” 395

A New Urban Age 397 The Urban Explosion 397

The Great Global Migration 397

Holding the City Together 398

Bridges and Skyscrapers 399

Slum and Tenement 400

Running and Reforming the City 401 Boss Rule 401

Rewards, Accomplishments, and Costs 402

Nativism, Revivals, and the Social Gospel 403

The Social Settlement Movement 403

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| C O N T E N T S | xiii

Controlling the Masses 450 Stemming the Immigrant Tide 450

The Curse of Demon Rum 450

Prostitution 451

“For Whites Only” 451

HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX Mementos of Murder 452

The Politics of Municipal and State Reform 453 The Reformation of the Cities 453

Progressivism in the States 454

Progressivism Goes to Washington 455 TR 455

A Square Deal 456

Bad Food and Pristine Wilds 457

The Troubled Taft 459

The Election of 1912 459

Woodrow Wilson and the Politics of Morality 460 Early Career 460

The Reforms of the New Freedom 461

Labor and Social Reform 462

CHAPTER SUMMARY 463 | ADDITIONAL READING 463 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 464

23 THE UNITED STATES AND THE COLLAPSE OF THE OLD WORLD ORDER 1901–1920 AN AMERICAN STORY: “A Path Between the Seas” 465

Progressive Diplomacy 467 Big Stick in the Caribbean 467

The Revolt of the Farmers 422 The Harvest of Discontent 422

The Origins of the Farmers’ Alliance 423

The Alliance Peaks 423

The Election of 1892 424

The New Realignment 425 The Depression of 1893 425

DUELING DOCUMENTS WHAT SHOULD THE GOVERNMENT DO? 426

The Rumblings of Unrest 426

The Battle of the Standards 427

Campaign and Election 428

The Rise of Jim Crow Politics 429

The African American Response 429

McKinley in the White House 430

Visions of Empire 431 Imperialism, European-Style and American 431

The Shapers of American Imperialism 432

Dreams of a Commercial Empire 434

The Imperial Moment 435 Mounting Tensions 435

The Imperial War 436

Peace and the Debate over Empire 437

From Colonial War to Colonial Rule 438

An Open Door in China 439

CHAPTER SUMMARY 440 | ADDITIONAL READING 441 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 441

22 THE PROGRESSIVE ERA 1890–1920 AN AMERICAN STORY: Burned Alive in the City 442

The Roots of Progressive Reform 444 Progressive Beliefs 444

The Pragmatic Approach 444

The Progressive Method 445

The Search for the Good Society 446 Poverty in a New Light 446

Expanding the “Woman’s Sphere” 446

Social Welfare 447

Woman Suffrage 448

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xiv | C O N T E N T S |

24 THE NEW ERA 1920–1929 AN AMERICAN STORY:

Yesterday Meets Today in the New Era 488

The Roaring Economy 490 Technology, Consumer Spending, and the Boom in Construction 490

The Automobile 490

The Future of Energy 491

The Business of America 492

Welfare Capitalism 492

HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX Youth in a Jar 493

The Consumer Culture 493

A Mass Society 494 A “New Woman” 494

Mass Media 496

The Cult of Celebrity 497

“Ain’t We Got Fun?” 497

The Art of Alienation 498

A “New Negro” 498

Defenders of the Faith 499 Nativism and Immigration Restriction 500

The “Noble Experiment” 500

KKK 501

Fundamentalism versus Darwinism 502

Republicans Ascendant 503 The Politics of “Normalcy” 503

A “Diplomatist of the Highest Rank” 468

Dollar Diplomacy 468

Woodrow Wilson and Moral Diplomacy 468 Missionary Diplomacy 469

Intervention in Mexico 470

The Road to War 470 The Guns of August 470

Neutral but Not Impartial 471

The Diplomacy of Neutrality 472

Peace, Preparedness, and the Election of 1916 473

Wilson’s Final Peace Offensive 473

War and Society 474 The Slaughter of Stalemate 474

“You’re in the Army Now” 475

Mobilizing the Economy 476

War Work 476

Great Migrations 477

Propaganda and Civil Liberties 477

Over There 478

DUELING DOCUMENTS The Limits of Free Speech 479

The Influenza Pandemic of 1918–1919 480

The Lost Peace 481 The Treaty of Versailles 483

The Battle for the Treaty 483

Red Scare 484

CHAPTER SUMMARY 486 | ADDITIONAL READING 486 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 487

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| C O N T E N T S | xv

DUELING DOCUMENTS Two Views of the “Forgotten Man” 521

Saving the Banks 522

Relief for the Unemployed 522

Planning for Industrial Recovery 524

Planning for Agriculture 525

A Second New Deal (1935–1936) 526 Dissent from the Deal 526

The Second Hundred Days 527

The Election of 1936 528

The New Deal and the American People 529 The New Deal and Western Water 529

The Limited Reach of the New Deal 530

Tribal Rights 531

A New Deal for Women 531

The Rise of Organized Labor 532

“Art for the Millions” 533

The End of the New Deal (1937–1940) 534 Packing the Courts 534

The Demise of the Deal 535

The Legacy of the New Deal 537

CHAPTER SUMMARY 537 | ADDITIONAL READING 538 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 539

26 AMERICA’S RISE TO GLOBALISM 1927–1945

AN AMERICAN STORY: “Oh Boy” 540

The United States in a Troubled World 542 Pacific Interests 542

Becoming a Good Neighbor 542

The Diplomacy of Isolationism 543

Inching toward War 544

Hitler’s Invasion 545

Retreat from Isolationism 545

Disaster in the Pacific 546

A Global War 546 Strategies for War 547

Gloomy Prospects 547

A Grand Alliance 548

The Naval War in the Pacific 548

The Policies of Mellon and Hoover 503

Crises at Home and Abroad 504

The Election of 1928 505

The Great Bull Market 506 The Rampaging Bull 506

The Great Crash 506

Causes of the Great Depression 507

CHAPTER SUMMARY 508 | ADDITIONAL READING 509 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 509

25 THE GREAT DEPRESSION AND THE NEW DEAL 1929–1939

AN AMERICAN STORY: Letters from the Edge 510

The Human Impact of the Great Depression 512 Hard Times 512

The Golden Age of Radio and Film 513

“Dirty Thirties”: An Ecological Disaster 514

Mexican Americans and Repatriation 515

African Americans in the Depression 515

The Tragedy of Herbert Hoover 516 The Failure of Relief 516

The Hoover Depression Program 517

Stirrings of Discontent 518

The Bonus Army 519

The Election of 1932 519

The Early New Deal (1933–1935) 520 The Democratic Roosevelts 520

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xvi | C O N T E N T S |

HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX Duck and Cover 574

The Atomic Shield versus the Iron Curtain 575

Postwar Prosperity 576 Hidden Costs of a Consuming Nation 576

Postwar Adjustments 576

The New Deal at Bay 577

The Election of 1948 578

The Fair Deal 579

The Cold War at Home 579 The Shocks of 1949 579

The Loyalty Crusade 580

HUAC and Hollywood 581

The Ambitions of Senator McCarthy 581

From Cold War to Hot War and Back 582 Police Action 583

The Chinese Intervene 583

Truman versus MacArthur 583

The Global Implications of the Cold War 584

The Election of 1952 584

The Fall of McCarthy 585

CHAPTER SUMMARY 586 | ADDITIONAL READING 586 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 587

28 THE SUBURBAN ERA 1945–1963

AN AMERICAN STORY: Dynamic Obsolescence (The Wonderful World of Harley Earl) 588

The Rise of the Suburbs 590 A Boom in Babies and in Housing 590

Turning Points in Europe 549

Those Who Fought 550

Minorities at War 550

Women at War 551

War Production 551 Mobilizing for War 551

Science Goes to War 552

War Work and Prosperity 553

Organized Labor 554

Women Workers 554

Mobility 554

A Question of Rights 555 Italians and Asian Americans 555

DUELING DOCUMENTS “Who Do You Want to Win This War?”—Justifying Internment 556

Minorities and War Work 558

Urban Unrest 558

The New Deal in Retreat 559

Winning the War and the Peace 560 The Fall of the Third Reich 560

Two Roads to Tokyo 561

Big Three Diplomacy 561

The Road to Yalta 561

The Fallen Leader 563

The Holocaust 564

A Lasting Peace 564

Atom Diplomacy 565

CHAPTER SUMMARY 566 | ADDITIONAL READING 566 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 567

27 COLD WAR AMERICA 1945–1954

AN AMERICAN STORY: Glad to Be Home? 568

The Rise of the Cold War 570 American Suspicions 570

Communist Expansion 570

A Policy of Containment 571

The Truman Doctrine 572

The Marshall Plan 572

NATO 572

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| C O N T E N T S | xvii

The Hard-Nosed Idealists of Camelot 605

The (Somewhat) New Frontier at Home 606

Kennedy’s Cold War 606

Cold War Frustrations 606

Confronting Khrushchev 607

The Missiles of October 608

CHAPTER SUMMARY 609 | ADDITIONAL READING 610 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 610

29 CIVIL RIGHTS AND UNCIVIL LIBERTIES 1947–1969

AN AMERICAN STORY: Two Roads to Integration 611

The Civil Rights Movement 613 The Changing South and African Americans 613

The NAACP and Civil Rights 613

The Brown Decision 614

Latino Civil Rights 614

A New Civil Rights Strategy 615

Little Rock and the White Backlash 616

A Movement Becomes a Crusade 616 Riding to Freedom 616

Civil Rights at High Tide 617

The Fire Next Time 619

Black Power 619

Violence in the Streets 620

Lyndon Johnson and the Great Society 621 The Origins of the Great Society 621

The Election of 1964 622

The Great Society 622

The Reforms of the Warren Court 624

Youth Movements 624 Activists on the New Left 625

Vatican II and American Catholics 625

The Rise of the Counterculture 625

The Rock Revolution 626

DUELING DOCUMENTS Student Voices for a New America 627

The West Coast Scene 628

CHAPTER SUMMARY 629 | ADDITIONAL READING 630 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 630

Suburbs and Cities Transformed 591

Environmental Blues 592

The Culture of Suburbia 593 American Civil Religion 593

“Homemaking” Women in the Workaday World 594

The Flickering Gray Screen 595

The Politics of Calm 595 The Eisenhower Presidency 595

The Conglomerate World 596

Cracks in the Consensus 597 Critics of Mass Culture 597

Juvenile Delinquency, Rock and Roll, and Rebellion 598

Nationalism in an Age of Superpowers 599 To the Brink? 599

Brinkmanship in Asia 600

The Superpowers 601

Nationalism Unleashed 601

The Response to Sputnik 602

DUELING DOCUMENTS The Kitchen Debate 603

Thaws and Freezes 604

The Cold War on a New Frontier 604 The Election of 1960 605

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xviii | C O N T E N T S |

Value Politics: The Consumer and Environmental Movements 648 Technology and Unbridled Growth 648

Political Action 648

The Legacy of Identity and Value Politics 649

The End of the War 650

Pragmatic Conservatism 650 Nixon’s New Federalism 651

Stagflation 651

Social Policies and the Court 651

Triumph and Revenge 652

Break-In 652

To the Oval Office 652

Resignation 653

CHAPTER SUMMARY 654 | ADDITIONAL READING 655 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 655

31 THE CONSERVATIVE CHALLENGE 1976–1992

AN AMERICAN STORY: The New American Commons 656

The Conservative Rebellion 658 Tax Revolt 658

The Diverse Evangelical World 658

The Catholic Conscience 658

Moving Religion into Politics 659

The Media as Battleground 659

Saturday Night Fever 660

The Presidency in Transition: Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter 660 War Powers Resolution 660

Influence of Kissinger 660

Energy and the Middle East 661

30 THE VIETNAM ERA 1963–1975

AN AMERICAN STORY: Who Is the Enemy? 631

The Road to Vietnam 633 Lyndon Johnson’s War 633

Rolling Thunder 634

Social Consequences of the War 635 The Soldiers’ War 635

The War at Home 636

The Unraveling 637 Tet Offensive 637

The Shocks of 1968 638

Revolutionary Clashes Worldwide 639

Whose Silent Majority? 639

The Nixon Era 640 Vietnamization—and Cambodia 640

Fighting a No-Win War 641

The Move toward Détente 641

The New Identity Politics 642 HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX A Farmworkers’ Boycott Poster 643

Latino Activism 643

The Choices of American Indians 645

Asian Americans 645

Gay Rights 646

Feminism 646

Equal Rights and Abortion 647

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| C O N T E N T S | xix

The Clinton Presidency 686 The New World Disorder 686

Yugoslavian Turmoil 686

Middle East Peace 687

Recovery without Reform at Home 687

The Conservative Revolution Reborn 688

Women’s Issues 688

Scandal 688

The Politics of Surplus 689

Hanging by a Chad: The Election of 2000 689

The United States in a Networked World 690 The Internet Revolution 690

American Workers in a Two-Tiered Economy 690

African Americans and the Persistence of the Racial Divide 691

African Americans in a Full-Employment Economy 691

Global Pressures in a Multicultural America 692

Terrorism in a Global Age 692 A Conservative Agenda at Home 693

Unilateralism in Foreign Affairs 694

The Roots of Terror 694

The War on Terror: First Phase 695

The War in Iraq 695

A Messy Aftermath 696

The Second Term 696

Disasters Domestic and Foreign 697

Collapse 697

Obama and a Divided Nation 698 First-Term Reforms 699

Short, Medium, Long 700

Environmental Uncertainties 701

DUELING DOCUMENTS Cold War over Global Warming 702

CHAPTER SUMMARY 704 | ADDITIONAL READING 704 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 705

Limits across the Globe 661

Jimmy Carter: Restoring the Faith 661

The Search for Direction 663

Energy and the Environment 663

The Sagging Economy 664

Foreign Policy: Principled or Pragmatic? 664

The Middle East: Hope and Hostages 664

A President Held Hostage 665

Prime Time with Ronald Reagan 666 The Great Communicator 666

The Reagan Agenda 667

A Halfway Revolution 668

Winners and Losers in the Labor Market 668

Standing Tall in a Chaotic World 670 The Military Buildup 670

Disaster in the Middle East 670

Frustrations in Central America 670

The Iran-Contra Connection 671

Cover Blown 672

From Cold War to Glasnost 672

An End to the Cold War 673 HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX The Berlin Wall 674

A Post–Cold War Foreign Policy 674

The Gulf War 675

Domestic Doldrums 675

The Conservative Court 676

Disillusionment and Anger 677

The Election of 1992 677

CHAPTER SUMMARY 678 | ADDITIONAL READING 679 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 680

32 THE UNITED STATES IN A GLOBAL COMMUNITY 1989–Present

AN AMERICAN STORY: Of Grocery Chains and Migration Chains 681

The New Immigration 683 The New Look of America—Asian Americans 684

The New Look of America—Latinos 684

Illegal Immigration 685

Links with the Home Country 685

Religious Diversity 685

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xx | F E A T U R E S |

Primary sources help students think critically about history. DUELING DOCUMENTS Two primary source documents offer contrasting perspectives on key events for analysis and discussion. Introductions and Critical Thinking questions frame the documents.

T HE K ITCHEN D EBATE On July 24, 1959, Vice President Richard Nixon and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev met at an exhibi- tion in Moscow, showcasing American technology and culture. For Nixon the consumer goods on display offered proof of the superiority of the American free-enterprise system. Khrushchev argued forcefully, though defensively, that the Soviet Union could provide equally well for its housewives. While the event appeared to be spontaneous, Nixon had been looking for an opportunity to stand up to the pugnacious Rus- sian leader. In this primary newspaper account, the dueling is within a single document.

Dueling D O C U M E N T S

D O C U M E N T 1 Khrushchev-Nixon Debate

Nixon: “There are some instances where you may be ahead of us, for example in the development of the thrust of your rockets for the investigation of outer space, there may be some instances in which we are ahead of you—in color television, for instance.”

Khrushchev: “No, we are up with you on this, too. We have bested you in one technique and also in the other.”

Nixon: “You see, you never concede anything.”

Khrushchev: “I do not give up.”

Nixon: “Wait till you see the picture. Let’s have for more communication and exchange in this very area that we speak of. We should hear you more on our televisions. You should hear us more on yours.”

Khrushchev: “That’s a good idea. Let’s do it like this. You appear before our people. We will appear before your people. People will see and appreciate this.”

Nixon: “There is not a day in the United States when we cannot read what you say. When Kozlov was speaking in California about peace, you were talking here in somewhat dif- ferent terms. This was reported extensively in the American press. Never make a statement here if you don’t want it to be read in the United States. I can promise you every word you say will be translated into English.”

Khrushchev: “I doubt it. I want you to give your word that this speech of mine will be heard by the American people.”

Nixon: [shaking hands on it] “By the same token, everything I say will be translated and heard all over the Soviet Union?”

Khrushchev: “That’s agreed.”

Nixon: “You must not be afraid of ideas.”

Khrushchev: “We are telling you not to be afraid of ideas. We have no reason to be afraid. We have already broken free from such a situation.”

Nixon: “Well, then, let’s have more exchange of them. We are all agreed on that. All right? All right?”. . .

Khrushchev: [after Nixon called attention to a built-in panel-controlled washing machine.] “We have such things.”

Nixon: “This is the newest model. This is the kind which is built in thousands of units for direct installation in the houses.” He added that Americans were interested in making life easier for their women.

Mr. Khrushchev remarked that in the Soviet Union, they did not have “the capitalist atti- tude toward women.”

Nixon: “I think that this attitude toward women is universal. What we want to do is make eas- ier the life of our housewives.” He explained that the house could be built for $14,000 and that most veterans had bought houses for between $10,000 and $15,000. . . .

“Let me give you an example you can appre- ciate. Our steelworkers, as you know, are on strike. But any steelworker could buy this house. They earn $3 an hour. This house costs about $100 a month to buy on a con- tract running 25 to 30 years.”

Khrushchev: “We have steel workers and we have peasants who also can afford to spend $14,000 for a house.” He said American houses were built to last only 20 years, so builders could sell new houses at the end of that period. “We build firmly. We build for our children and grandchildren.”

Mr. Nixon said he thought American houses would last more than 20 years, but even so, after 20 years many Americans went a new home or a new kitchen, which would be obsolete then. The American system is designed to take advantage of new inven- tions and new techniques, he said.

Khrushchev: “This theory does not hold water.” He said some things never got out of date—furniture and furnishings, perhaps, but not houses. He said he did not think houses. He said he did not think that what Americans had written about their houses was all strictly accurate.

Nixon: [pointing to television screen.] “We can see here what is happening in other parts of the home.”

Khrushchev: “This is probably always out of order.”

Nixon: “Da [yes.]”

Khrushchev: “Don’t you have a machine that puts food into the mouth and pushes it down? Many things you’ve shown us are interesting but they are not needed in life. They have no useful purpose. They are merely gadgets. We have a saying, if you have bedbugs you have to catch one and pour boiling water into the ear.”

Nixon: “We have another saying. This is that the way to kill a fly is to make it drink whisky. But we have a better use for whisky. [Aside] I like to have this battle of wits with the Chairman. He knows his business.”

Source: “The Kitchen Debate.” Richard Nixon and Nikita Khrushchev, July 24, 1959, Moscow, U.S.S.R.

THINKING CRITICALLY How does Khrushchev counter Nixon’s explanation of “planned obsoles- cence”? What is Khrushchev’s attitude about high-tech American consumer goods? Why was Nixon so insistent that his ideas be broadcast in the Soviet Union? In what way could women be offended by the two lead- ers’ comments?

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— Zitkala-Sa (Gertrude Simmons Bonnin), “The School Days of an Indian Girl," Atlantic Monthly (1900)

“I cried aloud, shaking my head all the while until I felt the cold blades of the scissors against my neck, and heard them gnaw off one of my thick braids. Then I lost my spirit . . . my long hair was shingled like a coward’s! In my anguish I moaned for my mother, but no one came to comfort me. Not a soul reasoned quietly with me, as my own mother used to do; for now I was only one of many little animals driven by a herder.”

witness An Indian Girl Is Shorn at Boarding School

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WITNESS Vivid quotes from diaries, letters, and other texts provide a sense of how individuals experienced historical events.

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| F E A T U R E S | xxi

HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX These feature boxes, which alternate with Dueling Documents, showcase historical images and artifacts, asking students to focus on visual evidence and examine material culture. Introductions and Critical Thinking questions frame the images.

OPINION Ideal for class discussion or writing, these questions ask students to offer opinions on debated issues.

Is torture justified

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United States is

under threat from

terrorists?

opinion

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Historian’s T O O L B O X

Artwork can often serve as a lens that reveals the values of political movements. César Chávez and the United Farm Work- ers (UFW) used this poster to arouse pub- lic support in a 1968 national boycott on California lettuce and grapes. Boycotts have often been seen as ineffective or even un-American, because they involve collec- tive action. For the UFW three potential

benefits offset the risks. First, lettuce and grapes were highly perishable, so any delay in selling them could cause growers large losses. Second, the boycott gave Ameri- can consumers distant from farm fields an effective way to support UFW efforts to organize California’s farmworkers. Finally, the campaign promoted a new sense of pride and solidarity among Latinos.

THINKING CRITICALLY Why might a national boycott be a risky strategy? What sense does this poster give you of the labor that farmworkers perform? What are the links between this poster and the “new identity politics” described in the text?

A Farmworkers’ Boycott Poster Si se puede is translated here as “It can be done.” Can you think of a different translation that a more recent political campaign used to recruit Latino voters?

Why is lettuce called a “stoop crop?”

United Farmworkers’ Eagle. Use Google to discover why the eagle was chosen as an emblem for the farmworkers and how it was designed.

What elements of the group suggest the UFW considers itself not only a union movement but also a community organization?

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xxii | L I S T O F M A P S |

17.1 The Southern States during Reconstruction

17.2 A Georgia Plantation after the War

17.3 Election of 1876

18.1 Tenant Farmers, 1900

18.2 Spending on Education in the South before and after Disenfranchisement

18.3 Natural Environment of the West

18.4 The Indian Frontier

18.5 The Mining and Cattle Frontiers

19.1 Railroads, 1870–1890

20.1 Growth of New Orleans to 1900

21.1 Election of 1896

21.2 Imperialist Expansion, 1900

21.3 The Spanish-American War

21.4 The United States in the Pacific

22.1 Dates of Women’s Suffrage

22.2 Election of 1912

23.1 Panama Canal—Old and New Transoceanic Routes

23.2 American Interventions in the Caribbean, 1898–1930

23.3 The War in Europe, 1914–1917

23.4 Election of 1916

23.5 The Final German Offensive and Allied Counterattack, 1918

23.6 Spread of Influenza Pandemic Second Stage, Autumn 1918

23.7 Europe and Middle East after World War I

24.1 Areas of Population Growth, 1920–1930

24.2 The Great Flood of 1927

24.3 Election of 1928

25.1 Election of 1932

25.2 Unemployment Relief, 1934

25.3 The Tennessee Valley Authority

26.1 The U-boat War

26.2 World War II in Europe and North Africa

26.3 D-Day, 1944

26.4 World War II in the Pacific and Asia

27.1 Cold War Europe

27.2 Election of 1948

27.3 The Korean War

28.1 Average Annual Regional Migration, 1947–1960

28.2 Asian Trouble Spots

28.3 Election of 1960

28.4 The World of the Superpowers

29.1 Civil Rights Patterns of Protest and Unrest

30.1 The War in Vietnam

30.2 Election of 1968

31.1 Oil and Conflict in the Middle East, 1948–1988

31.2 Election of 1980

31.3 Central American Conflicts, 1974–1990

31.4 War with Iraq, Operation Desert Storm

31.5 Election of 1992

32.1 Election 2000

32.2 The War on Terrorism: Afghanistan and Iraq

32.3 Environmental Stresses on the Gulf of Mexico

A map of the United States appears on the inside front cover, while a world map appears on the inside back cover.

List ofMAPS

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| L I S T O F C O N N E C T H I S T O R Y P R I M A R Y S O U R C E D O C U M E N T S | xxiii

The following primary source documents, carefully selected by the authors to coordinate with this program, are available in Connect History at http://connect.mheducation.com. Documents include an explanatory headnote and are followed by discussion questions.

Choose from many of these documents—or hundreds of others—to customize your print text by visiting McGraw-Hill’s Create at www.mcgrawhillcreate.com.

Chapter 17

33. An Anguished Ex-Slave Writes the Wife He’d Thought Long Dead

34. The Mississippi Plan in Action

Chapter 18

35. Chief Joseph Speaks

36. Frederick Jackson Turner’s New Frontier

37. Henry Grady’s “New South”

Chapter 19

38. The Sherman Anti-Trust Act

39. “The Story of a Sweat Shop Girl”

Chapter 20

40. George Washington Plunkitt Defends “Honest Graft”

41. The Chinese Exclusion Act

Chapter 21

42. Booker T. Washington’s “Atlanta Compromise”

43. George Hoar’s Case Against Imperialism

Chapter 22

44. Alice Paul Suffers for Suffrage

45. John Muir’s First Summer in the Sierras

Chapter 23

46. Theodore Roosevelt’s Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine

47. Woodrow Wilson’s 14 Points Speech

Chapter 24

48. A Mexican Laborer Sings of the Sorrows of the New Era

49. Calvin Coolidge on the Business of America

Chapter 25

50. Franklin Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address

51. Mary McLeod Bethune Touts a “Century of Progress” for African-American Women

Chapter 26

52. Einstein Letter to Franklin D. Roosevelt

53. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Four Freedom’s Speech

54. D-Day Survivors

Chapter 27

55. Truman Doctrine Speech (excerpt)

56. Richard Gerstell on Nuclear Civil Defense

57. Speech of Joseph McCarthy, Wheeling, West Virginia, February 9, 1950

Chapter 28

58. John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address

59. A Young Boy Remembers the Nuclear Threat

60. 1963 Nuclear Test Ban Treaty

Chapter 29

61. Letter from Jackie Robinson

62. Anne Moody, Coming of Age in Mississippi

63. The Beats

Chapter 30

64. John F. Kennedy: American Opinion on the War 1963

65. Gulf of Tonkin Resolution

66. Richard Nixon’s Silent Majority Speech

Chapter 31

67. Excerpt from Plan B Committee on the Present Danger (CPD)

68. Soviet Deputy Chief describes the Soviets National Security Fears

69. Ronald Regan and the Evil Empire Speech

Chapter 32

70. A Korean Growing Up in America from the Age of Three

71. Barack Obama Keynote Address to the Democratic National Convention, July 2004

72. The Tea Party

List ofCONNECT HISTORY PRIMARY SOURCE DOCUMENTS

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Reviewers of U.S.: A Narrative History Mary Adams, City College of San Francisco

Chris Bell, Edmonds Community College

James Blain, McNeese State University

Roger Bowerman, Glendale Community College

Jeffrey Brown, New Mexico State University

Ann Chirhart, Indiana State University

Bradley Clampitt, East Central University

Patty Colman, Moorpark College

Michael Colomaio, Alfred State University

Clarissa Confer, California University of Pennsylvania

Cara Converse, Moorpark College

William Cooley, Walsh University

Aaron Cowen, Slippery Rock University

David Cullen, Collins College, Plano

David Dalton, College of the Ozarks

Brandon Franke, Blinn College

Christos Frentzos, Austin Peay State University

Tabetha Garman, North East State University

George Gastil, Grossmont College

Frank Gilbert, Southeastern Oklahoma State

University

Jim Good, Lone Star College, North Harris

Patricia Gower, University of the Incarnate Word

Charles Grear, Prairie View A&M

Devethia Guillory, Prairie View A&M

Debbie Hargis, Odessa College

Tom Heiting, Odessa College

Jennifer Helgren, University of the Pacific

Jay Hester, Sierra College

Justin Horton, Thomas Nelson Community College

Carol Keller, San Antonio College

Dennis Kortheuer, California State University, Long

Beach

Pat Ledbetter, Texas College

Mary Lewis, Jacksonville College

Tammi Littrel, Chadron State College

Philbert Martin, San Jacinto College, South

Bob McConaughy, Austin Community College

James Mills, University of Texas, Brownsville

Russell Mitchell, Tarrant County College, Southeast

Michael Namorato, University of Mississippi

Bret Nelson, San Jacinto College, North

Alison Ollinger-Riefstahl, Mercyhurst Northeast College

Stephen Patnodes, Farmingdale State University

Edward Richey, University of North Texas

Joaquin Riveya-Martinez, Texas State University, San Marcos

Stephen Rockenbach, Virginia State University

Norman Rodriguez, John Wood Community College

Todd Romero, University of Houston

Michele Rotunda, Rutgers University, Newark

Steven Short, Collin College

Richard Sorrel, Brookdale Community College

Maureen Melvin Sowa, Bristol Community College

Jodi Steeley, Merced Community College

Rita Thomas, Northern Kentucky University

Richard Trimble, Ocean County College

Ruth Truss, University of Montevallo

Salli Vargis, Georgia Perimeter College

William Wantland, Mount Vernon Nazarene University

Chad Wooley, Tarrant County College

We would like to express our deep appreciation to the following individuals who contributed to the development of our U.S. history programs:

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Digiposium Attendees

Shelly Bailess, Liberty University

Patrice Carter, Wharton County Junior College

Tonia Compton, Columbia College of Missouri

Yvonne Davis Frear, San Jacinto College

Jane England, North Central Texas College

Traci Hodgson, Chemeketa Community College

Joy Ingram, Pellissippi State Community College

Alan Lehmann, Blinn College

Sandy Norman, Florida Atlantic University

Andrea Oliver, Tallahassee Community College

Richard Verrone, Texas Tech University

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xxvi | A B O U T T H E A U T H O R S |

About the Authors James West Davidson received his Ph.D. from Yale University. A historian who has pursued a full-time writing career, he is the author of numerous books, among them After the Fact: The Art of Historical Detection (with Mark H. Lytle), The Logic of Millennial Thought: Eighteenth-Century New England, and Great Heart: The History of a Labrador Adventure (with John Rugge). He is co-editor with Michael Stoff of the Oxford New Narratives in American History, in which his own most recent book appears: ‘They Say’: Ida B. Wells and the Reconstruction of Race.

Brian DeLay received his Ph.D. from Harvard and is an Associate Professor of History at the University of California, Berkeley. He is a frequent guest speaker at teacher workshops across the country and has won several prizes for his book War of a Thousand Deserts: Indian Raids and the U.S.-Mexican War.

Christ ine Leigh Heyrman is the Robert W. and Shirley P. Grimble Professor of American History at the University of Delaware. She received a Ph.D. in American Studies from Yale University and is the author of Commerce and Culture: The Maritime Communities of Colonial Massachusetts, 1690–1750. Her book Southern Cross: The Beginnings of the Bible Belt was awarded the Bancroft Prize. She is currently writing a book about evangelical views of Islam in the early nineteenth century.

Mark H. Lytle, a Ph.D. from Yale University, is Professor of History and Chair of the Environmental Studies Program at Bard College. He has served two years as Mary Ball Washington Professor of American History at University College, Dublin, in Ireland. His publications include The Origins of the Iranian-American Alliance, 1941–1953, After the Fact: The Art of Historical Detection (with James West Davidson), America’s Uncivil Wars: The Sixties Era from Elvis to the Fall of Richard Nixon, and most recently, The Gentle Subversive: Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, and the Rise of the Environmental Movement. He is also co-editor of a joint issue of the journals Diplomatic History and Environmental History dedicated to the field of environmental diplomacy.

Michael B. Stoff is Associate Professor of History and Director of the Plan II Honors Program at the University of Texas at Austin. The recipient of a Ph.D. from Yale University, he has been honored many times for his teaching, most recently with election to the Academy of Distinguished Teachers. He is the author of Oil, War, and American Security: The Search for a National Policy on Foreign Oil, 1941–1947, co-editor (with Jonathan Fanton and R. Hall Williams) of The Manhattan Project: A Documentary Introduction to the Atomic Age, and series co-editor (with James West Davidson) of the Oxford New Narratives in American History. He is currently working on a narrative of the bombing of Nagasaki.

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U.S. A N A R R A T I V E H I S T O R Y

Seventh Edit ion

V O L U M E 2 : F R O M 1 8 6 5

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“Men stood speechless, hag- gard . . . gazing at the desolation,” reported one jour- nalist in Richmond at war’s end. Many residents must have felt that way, though newly freed African Americans were jubilant.

17 1865–1877

>> An American Story

a secret sale at davis bend

J oseph Davis had had enough. Well on in years and financially ruined by the war, he decided to sell his Mississippi plantations Hurricane and Brierfield to Benjamin Montgomery and his sons in November 1866. Such a sale was common enough after the war, but this trans- action was bound to attract attention, since Joseph Davis was the elder brother of Jefferson Davis. Indeed, before the war the ex–Confederate president had operated Brierfield as

his own plantation, even though his brother retained legal title to it. But the sale was unusual for another reason—so unusual that the parties involved agreed to keep it secret. The plantation’s new owners were black, and Mississippi law prohibited African Americans from owning land.

Reconstructing the Union

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Though a slave, Benjamin Mont- gomery had been the business man- ager of the two Davis plantations before the war. He had also oper- ated a store on Hurricane Plantation with his own line of credit in New Orleans. In 1863 Montgomery fled to the North, but when the war was over, he returned to Davis Bend, where the federal government had confiscated the Davis plantations and was leasing plots of the land to black farmers. Montgomery quickly emerged as the leader of the African American community at the Bend.

Then, in 1866, President Andrew Johnson pardoned Joseph Davis and restored his lands. Davis was now over 80 years old and lacked the will and stamina to rebuild, yet unlike many ex-slaveholders, he felt bound by obligations to his former slaves. Convinced that with encouragement African Americans could succeed in freedom, he sold his land secretly to Benjamin Montgomery. Only when the law prohibiting African Ameri- cans from owning land was over- turned in 1867 did Davis publicly confirm the sale to his former slave.

For his part, Montgomery under- took to create a model society at Davis Bend based on mutual cooperation. He rented land to black farmers, hired

others to work his own fields, sold supplies on credit, and ginned and marketed the crops. The work was hard indeed: Davis Bend’s farmers faced the destruction caused by the war, several disastrous floods, insects, droughts, and declining cotton prices. Yet before long, cotton production exceeded that of the prewar years. The Montgomerys even- tually acquired 5,500 acres, which made them reputedly the third-largest planters in the state, and they won national and international awards for the quality of their cotton. Their success demon- strated what African Americans, given a fair chance, might accomplish.

The experiences of Benjamin Montgomery were not those of most black southerners, who did not own land or have a powerful white benefactor. Yet all African Ameri- cans shared Montgomery’s dream of economic independence. As one black veteran noted: “Every colored man will be a slave, and feel him- self a slave until he can raise him own bale of cotton and put him own mark upon it and say this is mine!” Blacks could not gain effective free- dom simply through a proclamation

of emancipation. They needed eco- nomic power, including their own land that no one could unfairly take away. And political power too, if the legacy of slavery was to be overturned.

How would the Republic be re- united, now that slavery had been abolished? War, in its blunt way, had roughed out the contours of a solution, but only in broad terms. The North, with its industrial might, would be the driving force in the nation’s econ- omy and retain the dominant political voice. But would African Americans receive effective power? How would North and South readjust their eco- nomic and political relations? These questions lay at the heart of the prob-

lem of Reconstruction. <<

What ’s to CCoomme 334 Presidential Reconstruction

337 Congressional Reconstruction

339 Reconstruction in the South

340 Black Aspirations

343 The Abandonment of Reconstruction

̂̂ African American soldiers greeting loved ones after being mustered out of the army in Arkansas. The war’s end brought both joy and uncertainty about what was to come.

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political power to the hard- core Unionists. Lincoln vetoed this approach, but as the war drew to a close, he appeared ready to make concessions to the Radicals, such as plac- ing the defeated South tem- porarily under military rule. Then Booth’s bullet found its mark, and Lincoln’s final approach to Reconstruction would never be known.

Reconstruction under Andrew Johnson >> In the wake of defeat, the immediate reaction among white southerners was one of shock, despair, and hopeless- ness. Some former Confeder- ates were openly antagonistic. A North Carolina innkeeper remarked bitterly that Yankees had stolen his slaves, burned his house, and killed all his sons, leaving him only one privilege: “To hate ’em. I got up at half-past four in the morning, and sit up till twelve at night, to hate ’em.” Most Confed- erate soldiers were less defiant, having had their fill of war. Even among hostile civilians the feeling was wide- spread that the South must accept northern terms. A South Carolina paper admitted that “the conqueror has the right to make the terms, and we must submit.”

This psychological moment was critical. To prevent a resurgence of resistance, the president needed to lay out in unmistakable terms what white southerners had to do to regain their old status in the Union. Per- haps even a clear and firm policy would not have been enough. But with Lincoln’s death, the executive power came to rest in far less capable hands.

Andrew Johnson, the new president, had been born in North Carolina and eventually moved to Tennes- see, where he worked as a tailor. Barely able to read and write when he married, he rose to political power by portraying himself as the champion of the people against the wealthy planter class. “Some day I will

>> The mood of white southern- ers at the end of the war was mixed. Many, like the veteran caricatured here by northern car- toonist Thomas Nast, remained hostile. Others, like Texas captain Samuel Foster, came to believe that the institution of slavery “had been abused, and perhaps for that abuse this terrible war . . . was brought upon us as a punishment.”

PRESIDENTIAL RECONSTRUCTION

Throughout the war Abraham Lincoln had considered Reconstruction his responsibility. Elected with less than 40 percent of the popular vote in 1860, he was acutely aware that once the states of the Confederacy were restored to the Union, the Republicans would be weakened unless they ceased to be a sectional party. By a generous peace, Lincoln hoped to attract for- mer Whigs in the South, who supported many of the Republicans’ economic policies, and build up a south- ern wing of the party.

Lincoln’s 10 Percent Plan >> Lincoln outlined his program in a Proclamation of Amnesty and Recon-

struction, issued in Decem- ber 1863. When a minimum of 10 percent of the quali- fied voters from 1860 took a loyalty oath to the Union, they could organize a state government. The new state constitution had to abolish

slavery and provide for black education, but Lincoln did not insist that high-ranking Confederate leaders be barred from public life.

Lincoln indicated that he would be generous in granting pardons to Confederate leaders and did not rule out compensation for slave property. Moreover, while he privately advocated limited black suffrage in the disloyal southern states, he did not demand social or political equality for black Americans. In Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee he recognized pro-Union governments that allowed only white men to vote.

The Radical Republicans found Lincoln’s approach much too lenient. Strongly antislavery, Radical mem- bers of Congress had led the struggle to make emanci- pation a war aim. Now they led the fight to guarantee the rights of former slaves, or freedpeople. The Radi- cals believed that it was the duty of Congress, not the president, to set the terms under which states would regain their rights in the Union. Though the Radicals often disagreed on other matters, they were united in a determination to readmit southern states only after slavery had been ended, black rights protected, and the power of the planter class destroyed.

Under the direction of Senator Benjamin Wade of Ohio and Representative Henry Winter Davis of Mary- land, Congress formulated a much stricter plan of Reconstruction. The Wade-Davis bill required half the white adult males to take an oath of allegiance before drafting a new state constitution, and it restricted

amnesty general pardon granted by a government, usually for political crimes.

loyalty oath oath of fidelity to the state or to an organization.

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show the stuck-up aristocrats who is running the country,” he vowed as he began his political career. Although he accepted emancipation as one conse- quence of the war, Johnson lacked any concern for the welfare of African Americans. “Damn the negroes,” he said during the war, “I am fighting these traitorous aristocrats, their masters.” After serving in Congress and as military governor of Tennessee following its occupation by Union forces, Johnson, a Democrat, was tapped by Lincoln in 1864 as his running mate on the rechristened “Union” ticket.

The Radicals expected Johnson to uphold their views on Reconstruction, and on assuming the presi- dency he spoke of prosecuting Confederate leaders and breaking up planters’ estates. Unlike most Republicans, however, Johnson strongly supported states’ rights, and his political shortcomings sparked conflicts almost immediately. Scarred by his humble origins, he became tactless and inflexible when challenged or criticized, alienating even those who sought to work with him.

Johnson moved to return the southern states to the Union quickly. He prescribed a loyalty oath that most white southerners would have to take to regain their civil and political rights and to have their property, except for slaves, restored. High Confederate officials and those with property worth over $20,000 had to apply for individual pardons. Once a state drafted a new constitution and elected state officers and mem- bers of Congress, Johnson promised to revoke martial law and recognize the new state government. Suffrage was limited to white citizens who had taken the loyalty oath. This plan was similar to Lincoln’s, though more lenient. Only informally did Johnson stipulate that the

southern states were to renounce their ordinances of secession, repudiate the Confederate debt, and ratify the Thirteenth Amendment abolishing slavery, which had been passed by Congress in January 1865 and was in the process of being ratified by the states. (It became part of the Constitution in December.)

The Failure of Johnson’s Program >> The southern delegates who met to construct new govern- ments were in no mood to follow Johnson’s recom- mendations. Several states merely repealed instead of repudiating their ordinances of secession, rejected the Thirteenth Amendment, or refused to repudiate the Confederate debt.

Nor did the new governments allow African Amer- icans any political rights or provide in any effective way for black education. In addition, each state passed a series of laws, often modeled on its old slave code, that applied only to African Americans. These “ black codes ” did give African Americans some rights that had not been granted to slaves. They legalized mar- riages from slavery and allowed black southerners to hold and sell property and to sue and be sued in state courts. Yet their primary intent was to keep African Americans as propertyless agricultural laborers with inferior legal rights. The new freedpeople could not serve on juries, testify against whites, or work as they

pleased. Mississippi prohib- ited them from buying or renting farmland, and most states ominously provided that black people who were vagrants could be arrested and hired out to landown- ers. Many northerners were incensed by the restrictive black codes, which violated their conception of freedom.

Southern voters under Johnson’s plan also defiantly elected prominent Confed- erate military and politi- cal leaders to office. At this point, Johnson could have called for new elections or admitted that a different program of Reconstruction was needed. Instead, he caved in. For all his harsh rhetoric, he shrank from the prospect

̂̂ Andrew Johnson was a staunch Unionist, but his contentious personality and inflexibility masked a deep-seated insecurity, which was rooted in his humble background. As a young man, he worked and lived in this rude tailor shop in Greeneville, Tennessee.

black codes laws passed by southern states in 1865 and 1866, modeled on the slave codes in effect before the Civil War. The codes did grant African Americans some rights not enjoyed by slaves, but their primary purpose was to keep African Americans as propertyless agricultural laborers.

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clothing, and medical care to war refugees (including white southerners) and took charge of settling freed- people on abandoned lands. The new bill gave the bureau the added responsibilities of supervising special courts to resolve disputes involving freedpeople and establishing schools for black southerners. Although this bill passed with virtually unanimous Republican support, Johnson vetoed it.

Johnson also vetoed a civil rights bill designed to overturn the more flagrant provisions of the black codes. The law made African Americans citizens of the United States and granted them the right to own property, make contracts, and have access to courts as parties and witnesses. (The law did not go so far as to grant freedpeople the right to vote.) For most Republicans Johnson’s action was the last straw, and in April 1866 Congress overrode his veto. Congress then approved a slightly revised Freedmen’s Bureau bill in July and promptly overrode the president’s veto. Johnson’s refusal to compromise drove the moderates into the arms of the Radicals.

The Fourteenth Amendment >> To prevent unrepentant Confederates from taking over the recon- structed state governments and denying African Americans basic freedoms, the Joint Committee on Reconstruction proposed an amendment to the Con- stitution, which passed both houses of Congress with the necessary two-thirds vote in June 1866.

The amendment guaranteed repayment of the national war debt and prohibited repayment of the Confederate debt. To counteract the president’s wholesale pardons, it disqualified prominent Confed- erates from holding office. Because moderates balked at giving the vote to African Americans, the amend-

ment merely gave Congress the right to reduce the representation of any state that did not

have impartial male suffrage. The practical effect of this provision, which Radicals labeled a “swindle,” was to allow north- ern states to retain white suffrage, since unlike southern states they had few African Americans in their populations and thus would not be penalized.

The amendment’s most impor- tant provision, Section 1, defined an American citizen as anyone born in the United States or naturalized, thereby automatically making African Ameri-

cans citizens. Section 1 also prohibited states from abridging “the privileges or

immunities” of citizens, depriving “any person of life, liberty, or property, without

due process of law,” or denying “any person . . . equal protection of the laws.” The framers of the amendment probably

of social upheaval, and as the lines of ex-Confederates waiting to see him lengthened, he began issuing spe- cial pardons almost as fast as they could be printed. Publicly Johnson put on a bold face, announcing that Reconstruction had been successfully completed. But many members of Congress were deeply alarmed, and the stage was set for a serious confrontation.

Johnson’s Break with Congress >> The new Congress was by no means of one mind. A small number of Democrats and a few conservative Repub- licans backed the president’s program of immediate and unconditional restoration. At the other end of the spectrum, a larger group of Radical Republicans, led by Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner, Benjamin Wade, and others, was bent on remaking southern society in the image of the North. Reconstruction must “revo- lutionize Southern institutions, habits, and manners,” insisted Representative Stevens, “or all our blood and treasure have been spent in vain.”

As a minority the Radicals needed the aid of the moderate Republicans, the largest bloc in Congress. Led by William Pitt Fessenden and Lyman Trumbull, the moderates had no desire to foster social revolu- tion or promote racial equality in the South. But they wanted to keep Confederate leaders from reassum- ing power, and they were convinced that the former slaves needed federal protection. Otherwise, Trumbull declared, the freedpeople would “be tyrannized over, abused, and virtually reenslaved.”

The central issue dividing Johnson and the Radi- cals was the place of African Americans in Ameri- can society. Johnson accused his opponents of seeking “to Africanize the southern half of our country,” while the Radicals championed civil and political rights for African Americans. The only way to maintain loyal governments and develop a republican party in the South, Radicals argued, was to give black men the ballot. Moderates agreed that the new southern govern- ments were too harsh toward African Americans, but they feared that too great an emphasis on black civil rights would alienate northern voters.

In December 1865, when southern representatives to Congress appeared in Washington, a majority in Congress voted to exclude them. Congress also appointed a joint committee, chaired by Senator Fessenden, to look into Reconstruction.

The growing split with the president became clearer when Congress passed a bill extending the life of the Freed- men’s Bureau. Created in March 1865, the bureau provided emergency food,

̂̂ Thaddeus Stevens, Radical leader in the House.

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Resorting to the tactic of “waving the bloody shirt , ” they appealed to voters by reviving bitter memo- ries of the war. In a clas- sic example of such rhetoric, Governor Oliver Morton of Indiana proclaimed that “every bounty jumper, every deserter, every sneak who ran away from the draft calls himself a Democrat. Every ‘Son of Liberty’ who con- spired to murder, burn, rob arsenals and release rebel prisoners calls himself a Democrat. In short, the Demo- cratic party may be described as a common sewer.”

Voters soundly repudiated Johnson, as the Repub- licans won more than a two-thirds majority in both houses of Congress. The Radicals had reached the height of their power, propelled by genuine alarm among northerners that Johnson’s policies would lose the fruits of the Union’s victory. Johnson was a presi- dent virtually without a party.

CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION

With a clear mandate in hand congressional Repub- licans passed their own program of Reconstruction, beginning with the first Reconstruction Act in March 1867. Like all later pieces of Reconstruction legislation, it was repassed over Johnson’s veto.

Placing the 10 unreconstructed states under mili- tary commanders, the act provided that in enrolling voters, officials were to include black adult males but not former Confederates, who were barred from hold- ing office under the Fourteenth Amendment. Delegates to the state conventions were to frame constitu- tions that provided for black suffrage and disqualified prominent ex-Confederates from office. The first state legislatures to meet under the new constitution were required to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment. Once these steps were completed and Congress approved the new state constitution, a state could send representa- tives to Congress.

White southerners found these requirements so insulting that officials took no steps to register voters. Congress then enacted a second Reconstruction Act,

✔ R E V I E W What were Lincoln’s and Andrew Johnson’s approaches to Reconstruction, and why did Congress reject Johnson’s approach?

intended to prohibit laws that applied to one race only, such as the black codes, or that made certain acts fel- onies when committed by black but not white people, or that decreed different penalties for the same crime when committed by white and black lawbreakers. The framers probably did not intend to prevent segrega- tion (the legal separation of the races) in schools and public places.

Johnson denounced the amendment and urged southern states not to ratify it. Ironically, of the seceded states only the president’s own state ratified the amendment, and Congress readmitted Tennessee with no further restrictions. The telegram sent to Con- gress by a longtime foe of Johnson officially announc- ing Tennessee’s approval ended: “Give my respects to the dead dog in the White House.”

The Election of 1866 >> When Congress blocked his policies, Johnson undertook a speaking tour of the East and Midwest in the fall of 1866 to drum up pop- ular support. But the president found it difficult to convince northern audiences that white southerners were fully repentant. Only months earlier white mobs in Memphis and New Orleans had attacked black resi- dents and killed nearly 100 in two major race riots. “The negroes now know, to their sorrow, that it is best not to arouse the fury of the white man,” boasted one Memphis newspaper. When the president encountered hostile audiences during his northern campaign, he made matters only worse by trading insults and pro- claiming that the Radicals were traitors.

Not to be outdone, the Radicals vilified Johnson as a traitor aiming to turn the country over to former rebels.

^̂ In 1866 white mobs in Memphis and New Orleans attacked African Americans in two major riots. Here rioters set fire to a schoolhouse used by freedpeople.

bloody shirt political cam- paign tactic of “waving the bloody shirt,” used by Republicans against Democrats; it invoked the deaths and casualties from the Civil War as a reason to vote for Republicans as the party of the Union, rather than the Democrats, who had often opposed the war.

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MAP 17.1 : THE SOUTHERN STATES DURING RECONSTRUCTION

TEXAS 1870 1873

INDIAN TERR.

KANSAS COLORADO

NEBRASKA

NEW MEXICO TERRITORY

M E X I C O

ARK. 1868 1874

LA. 1868 1877

MISS. 1870 1876

ALA. 1868 1874

1866 1869

KY.

FLA. 1868 1877

GA. 1870 1872

S.C. 1868 1877

N.C. 1868 1870

VA. 1870 1869

W. VA.

N.J. DEL.

MD.

MO.

IOWA ILL. IND.

OHIO

Former Confederate States

Military district boundaries

Date of readmission to the Union

Date of “redemption”

1870

1871

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The Land Issue >> While the political process of Reconstruction proceeded, Congress debated whether land should be given to former slaves to foster economic independence. At a meeting with Secretary of War Edwin Stanton near the end of the war, African Ameri- can leaders declared: “The way we can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and till it by our own labor.” The Second Confiscation Act of 1862 had authorized the government to seize and sell the property of supporters of the rebellion. In June 1866, however, President John- son ruled that confiscation laws applied only to wartime.

After more than a year of debate, Congress rejected all proposals to give land to former slaves. Given Amer- icans’ strong belief in self-reliance, little sympathy existed for the idea that government should support any group. In addition, land redistribution represented an attack on property rights, another cherished American value. “A division of rich men’s lands amongst the landless,” argued the Nation, a Radical journal, “would give a shock to our whole social and political system from which it would hardly recover without the loss of liberty.” By 1867 land reform was dead.

Impeachment >> Throughout 1867 Congress rou- tinely overrode Johnson’s vetoes, but the president undercut congressional Reconstruction in other ways. He interpreted the new laws narrowly and removed military commanders who vigorously enforced them. Congress responded by restricting his power to issue orders to military commanders in the South. It also passed the Tenure of Office Act, which forbade John- son to remove any member of the cabinet without the Senate’s consent. The intention of this law was to pre- vent him from firing Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, the only remaining Radical in the cabinet.

also in March, ordering the local military command- ers to put the machin- ery of Reconstruction into motion. Johnson’s efforts to limit the power of mili- tary commanders produced a third act, passed in July, that upheld their superi- ority in all matters. When the first election was held in Alabama to ratify the new state constitution, whites boycotted it in suf- ficient numbers to prevent a majority of voters from participating. Undaunted, Congress passed the fourth Reconstruction Act (March 1868), which required rat- ification of the constitu- tion by only a majority of those voting rather than those who were registered.

By June 1868 Congress had readmitted the repre- sentatives of seven states. Texas, Virginia, and Missis- sippi did not complete the process until 1869. Georgia finally followed in 1870.

Post-Emancipation Societies in the Americas >> With the exception of Haiti’s revolu- tion (1791–1804), the United States was the only soci- ety in the Americas in which the destruction of slavery was accomplished by violence. But the United States, uniquely among these societies, enfranchised for- mer slaves almost immediately after the emancipa- tion. Thus, in the United States, former masters and slaves battled for control of the state in ways that did not occur in other post-emancipation societies. In most of the Caribbean, property requirements for voting left the planters in political control. Jamaica, for example, with a population of 500,000 in the 1860s, had only 3,000 voters.

Moreover, in reaction to political efforts to mobi- lize disenfranchised black peasants, Jamaican planters dissolved the assembly and reverted to being a Crown colony governed from London. Of the sugar islands, all but Barbados adopted the same policy, thereby blocking the potential for any future black peasant democracy. Nor did any of these societies have the counterparts of the Radical Republicans, a group of outsiders with political power that promoted the fun- damental transformation of the post-emancipation South. These comparisons highlight the radicalism of Reconstruction in the United States, which alone saw an effort to forge an interracial democracy.

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clergy), and of the third who were farmers, nearly all owned land. In their political and social values, Afri- can American leaders were more conservative than the rural black population, and they showed little interest in land reform.

Black citizens were a majority of the voters only in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana. Thus in most of the South the Republican Party had to secure white votes to stay in power. Opponents scornfully labeled white southerners who allied with the Repub- lican Party scalawags , yet an estimated quarter of white southerners at one time voted Republican. They were primarily Union- ists from the upland counties and hill areas and largely yeoman farmers. Such voters were attracted by Republican promises to rebuild the South, restore prosperity, create public schools, and open isolated areas to the market with railroads.

The other group of white Republicans in the South were known as carpetbaggers . Originally from the North, they allegedly had arrived with all their worldly possessions stuffed in a carpetbag, ready to loot and plunder the defeated South. Some did, certainly, but northerners moved south for a variety of rea- sons. Though carpetbag- gers made up only a small percentage of Republican voters, they controlled almost a third of the offices in the South. More than half of all southern Republican governors and nearly half of Republican members of Congress were originally northerners.

The Republican Party in the South had difficulty maintaining unity. Scalawags were especially sus- ceptible to the race issue and social pressure. “Even my own kinspeople have turned the cold shoulder to me because I hold office under a Republican admin- istration,” testified a Mississippi white Republican. As black southerners pressed for greater recognition, white southerners increasingly defected to the Demo- crats. Carpetbaggers, in contrast, were less sensitive to race, although most felt that their black allies should be content with minor offices. The animosity between scalawags and carpetbaggers, which grew out of their rivalry for party honors, was particularly intense. Reforms under the New State Governments >> The new southern state con- stitutions enacted several significant reforms. They devised fairer systems of legislative representation and made many previously appointive offices elective. The Radical state governments also assumed some

When Johnson tried to dismiss Stanton in February 1868, the House of Representatives angrily approved articles of impeachment. The articles focused on the violation of the Tenure of Office Act, but the charge with the most substance was that Johnson had acted to systematically obstruct Reconstruction legislation. In the trial before the Senate, his lawyers argued that a president could be impeached only for an indictable crime, which Johnson clearly had not committed. The Radicals countered that impeachment applied to polit- ical offenses, not merely criminal acts. In May 1868 the Senate voted 35 to 19 to convict, one vote short of the two-thirds majority needed. The seven Republicans who joined the Democrats in voting for acquittal were uneasy about using impeachment as a political weapon.

RECONSTRUCTION IN THE SOUTH

As the power of the Radicals in Congress waned, the fate of Reconstruction increasingly hinged on devel- opments in the southern states themselves. Power in these states rested with the new Republican parties, representing a coalition of black and white southerners and transplanted northerners.

Black and White Republicans >> Once African Americans received the right to vote, black men constituted as much as 80 percent of the Repub- lican voters in the South. They steadfastly opposed the Democratic Party with its appeal to white supremacy. But during Reconstruction, African Americans never held office in proportion to their voting strength. No African American was ever elected governor. And only in South Carolina, where more than 60 percent of the population was black, did they control even one house of the legislature. Between 15 and 20 percent of the state officers and 6 percent of members of Congress (2 senators and 15 representatives) were black. Only in South Carolina did black officeholders approach their proportion of the population.

Those who held office came from the top levels of African American society. Among state and federal officeholders, perhaps 80 percent were literate, and over a quarter had been free before the war, both marks of distinction in the black community. Their occupations also set them apart: many were professionals (mostly

✔ R E V I E W What was Congress’s approach to Reconstruction, and why did it not include a provision for giving land to former slaves?

scalawags white southern- ers who supported the Republican Party.

carpetbaggers northern white Republicans who came to live in the South after the Civil War. Most were veterans of the Union army; many were teachers, Freedmen’s Bureau agents or investors in cotton plantations.

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340 | S E V E N T E E N | RECONSTRUCTING THE UNION |

BLACK ASPIRATIONS Emancipation came to slaves in different ways and at different times. Betty Jones’s grandmother was told about the Emancipation Proclamation by another slave while they were hoeing corn. Mary Anderson received the news from her master near the end of the war when Sherman’s army invaded North Carolina. Whatever the timing, freedom meant a host of precious blessings to people who had been in bondage all their lives.

Experiencing Freedom >> The first impulse was to think of freedom as a contrast to slavery. Emancipation immediately released slaves from the most oppressive aspects of bondage—the whippings, the breakup of families, the sexual exploitation. Free- dom also meant movement, the right to travel without a pass or white permission. Above all, freedom meant that African Americans’ labor would be for their own benefit. One Arkansas freedman, who earned his first dollar working on a railroad, recalled that when he was paid, “I felt like the richest man in the world.”

Freedom included finding a new place to work. Changing jobs was one concrete way to break the psy- chological ties of slavery. Even planters with reputations for kindness sometimes saw most of their former hands depart. The cook who left a South Carolina family, despite the offer of higher wages than her new job’s, explained: “I must go. If I stays here I’ll never know I’m free.”

Symbolically, freedom meant having a full name. African Americans now adopted last names, most commonly the name of the first master in the fam-

ily’s oral history as far back as it could be recalled. Most, however, retained their first name, espe- cially if the name had been given to them by their parents (as most often had been the case). What- ever the name, black Americans insisted on making the decision themselves.

The Black Family >> African Americans also sought to strengthen the family in free- dom. Since slave marriages had not been recognized as legal, thou- sands of former slaves insisted on