Axons from the sympathetic nervous system form connections in the gut, contributing to those butterflies we feel at times of excitement.
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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S
The Feeling Mind
Motivation and Emotion
1 Differentiate emotion and motivation, and analyze their relationship to each other.
2 Analyze the physiological and environmental factors that influence hunger and eating.
3 Assess the roles of evolved preferences and physiological and environmental factors in sexual motivation, considering how this motivation varies with gender and over time.
4 Compare and contrast achievement and affiliation motivation in terms of predictors and implication for life outcomes.
5 Associate aspects of emotional responding with activation of central and autonomic nervous system structures.
6 Evaluate the roles of nature, nurture, and their interaction in explaining human communication of emotion, based on research evidence.
7 Differentiate major theories of emotion in terms of the relationship between physical sensations and subjective feelings.
Learning Objectives
287
Motivation and emotion, the topics of this chapter, involve neural circuits that often operate below the level of our conscious
awareness. We don’t decide consciously to feel happy or sad or hungry or thirsty, but instead, we react somewhat automatically
to the environment around and within us. We can zoom in to look at these neural circuits, like these sympathetic
axons (in blue) forming connections with the gut. We have all had the feeling of butterflies in our stomach when we are excited, and neural pathways like this one are responsible for such feelings. Zooming out, we can examine motivation and emotion in the larger context of the individual using the example of elite athletes at the Olympic Games. The
2008 Beijing Olympics featured 11,028 athletes who rep- resented the very best in their respective sports, just a tiny
fraction of the millions of people who compete in athletics worldwide. To stand out among these elites takes even more
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2 Analyze the physiological and environmental factors that influence hunger and ea
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4 44 Compmpaare and conttrast achieevememennt andd aaffilffi iatiion mmototivivatatioon inin tterms off prreddicto impliccatatioionn fofor lifefe ooututcomemes.
5 Associate aspects of emotional responding wiwith activation of central and autonom systemm structures.
6 Evaluuatte thee rrololees oof nanatuture, nuurturre,, annd ttheeirr innteeracctionn iin eexplplaiaining human commmuunicattioon of eemmotiionon, babased onon reseearrchh eeviddenncee.
7 Differentiate major theories of emotion in terms of the reelaatiionnship between phys sensations and subjective feelingss
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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S
Chapter 7 288
extreme motivation, not to mention talent and hard work. Many athletes competing at this level have focused on their sport to the exclusion of most other activities since they were in elementary school. Yet of the over 11,000 participants, only 1,881 (or 17%) went home with a medal.
Given the odds of obtaining a medal, you would think that any athlete winning one would be absolutely ecstatic, but that is not always the case. As you can see in the photograph on the preceding page of Olympic swimmers on the medal stand, the athletes are showing a range of emotions. Look for a moment at the way the three athletes are holding their flower bouquets. The gold and bronze medalists are holding their bouquets straight up, but the silver medalist is close to dropping his bouquet. His entire demeanor says dejection and disappointment.
Why would a silver medalist be disappointed with such an exceptional achievement? To answer this question, we must zoom out even farther from the individual to consider the social context. Psychologists have found that the reactions of these swimmers are quite typical (McGraw, Mellers, & Tetlock, 2005; Medvec, Madey, & Gilovich, 1995). Apparently, silver medalists are more likely to compare themselves to gold medalists, which leads to disappointment, while bronze medalists are comparing themselves to the fourth-place finishers who do not get a medal at all, which leads to joy.
In this chapter, we will explore the mechanisms responsible for our motivations and emotions, beginning with the underly- ing physical mechanisms and zooming out to look at individual and, ultimately, social influences on these behaviors.
How Are Motivation and Emotion Related? Motivation and emotion are tightly related processes that share the experi- ence of subjective feelings and engage similar processes and structures in the brain. Efforts to differentiate between motivation and emotion can be somewhat frustrating, given their overlapping characteristics and similar definitions.
An emotion is defined as a combination of physical sensations, such as a rapid heartbeat, and conscious, subjective feelings, like feeling afraid. Emotions are spontaneous, automatic responses to situations. We do not wake up in the morning and decide to feel happy or sad in the same way we decide which clothes to wear. Instead, our emotional reactions occur auto- matically in response to our perceptions of surroundings and situations. We often communicate our emotions to others through behaviors such as facial expression, body language, gestures, and tone of voice.
emotion A combination of arousal, physical sensations, and subjective feelings that occurs spontaneously in response to environmental stimuli.
Emotions are automatic, spontaneous reactions to the world around us. We do not wake up in the morning and consciously decide to be happy or sad.
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9781305461994, Discovering Psychology: The Science of the Mind, Cacioppo/Freberg - © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved. No distribution allowed without express authorization.
F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S
WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 289
If we are thirsty following a tough workout, we are motivated to seek a drink of water. It is unlikely that a thirsty person would be motivated to find a hamburger instead.
Emotions can be distinguished from moods. A mood is a more general state than an emotion. You can be in a good mood while feeling a variety of specific emotions, such as happiness, pride, or relief. A mood generally lasts a longer time than a single emotion. For example, when we discuss disorders of mood in our chapter on psychological disorders, we note that criteria for depression specify that depressed mood should characterize at least half a day every day for a period of two weeks (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2000). Because emotions are responses to the ongoing and ever-changing flow of environmental information, it is unlikely that a single emotion would last this long.
Motivation is defined as a process that arouses, maintains, and guides behavior toward a goal. For example, we are motivated to seek a drink of water in response to thirst. The process of motivation is accompanied by distinct emotional states. Thirst is generally quite unpleasant, and taking a drink of water can produce positive emotions like relief and happiness.
Motivation and emotion share the abil- ity to arouse an organism and stimulate behavior, but motivation does so in a more direct and precise fashion than emotions do. People who feel motivated by thirst are likely to do one thing—seek out something to drink. In contrast, experiencing the emotion of sad- ness stimulates behavior, but that behavior may take many different forms. Some people respond to sadness by crying in a room by themselves, while others will seek out the company of friends.
What Does It Mean to Be Motivated? Animals, including human beings, do not have unlimited time and resources, and a state of arousal is expensive in terms of the energy it requires. Motivational systems allow an animal to be aroused only when necessary, such as when it needs food, and then reduce arousal following the solution of a problem, such as after a meal. Preventing the waste of pre- cious energy resources provides a significant survival advantage. Motiva- tion also provides the benefit of helping an animal prepare to meet future needs. Most animals are motivated to explore their environments, because familiarity with an environment allows them to act more effectively when a need arises.
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motivation A process that arouses, maintains, and guides behavior toward a goal.
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9781305461994, Discovering Psychology: The Science of the Mind, Cacioppo/Freberg - © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved. No distribution allowed without express authorization.
F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S
Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION290
We can think of motivation as a process that maintains homeostasis, a term introduced by psychologist Walter Cannon to describe a steady internal balance or equilibrium (Cannon, 1932). To achieve homeostasis, organisms actively defend certain values known as set points. Under normal circumstances, we carefully regulate such variables as core body temperature, fluid levels, and body weight around set points. Deviations from these set points stimulate behavior by the organism that is designed to reestablish the origi- nal values. You might think about this process as analogous to your home’s temperature control. A set point of air temperature is established using your thermostat. If your home’s tempera- ture drops below that set point, the furnace is
activated until the set point is once again established. If your home’s tem- perature rises above the set point, the air conditioning system is activated until the set point is regained. Similarly, if your core body temperature drops below 98.68 F (378 C), your body initiates a number of processes designed to increase its temperature, such as producing heat by the muscle contractions we know as shivering. If your core body temperature rises above its set point, cooling mechanisms are activated. You sweat, and the evaporating moisture cools your skin. Blood is diverted to the outer parts of the body, leading to a flushed appearance.
Motivation begins with a stimulus, from either the internal or external environment of the organism, that serves as a cue for motivated behavior. Stimuli that are important to survival, such as the presence of a predator or a deficit in body fluids, generate arousal and tension, a state frequently referred to as drive (Hull, 1943). Being in a drive state propels the organism into some sort of action related to the stimulus, whether that means run- ning away from the predator to safety or perhaps pulling a bottle of water from a backpack to quench thirst. If actions are successful in regaining equilibrium, we experience drive reduction, accompanied by a rewarding feeling of relief.
Drive theories of motivation are often described as “push” theories, as drive is seen as pushing an organism toward a goal. However, not all psy- chologists agree that motivation requires the “push” of drive. Instead, they suggest that rewards, or incentives, have the capacity to “pull” an organism in a particular direction. According to this view, animals are viewed as natu- rally inclined to act on their environment, rather than waiting passively for a need to arise (Deci & Ryan, 2000). In incentive theories, no reference to unpleasant internal drive states is required to explain motivated behavior.
Incentives or rewards may be intrinsic or extrinsic. Intrinsic rewards arise internally, such as feelings of accomplishment when a goal is met. Extrinsic rewards come from outside sources, such as money for complet- ing work or praise from a supervisor. These different types of reward can interact in complex ways (see ● Figure 7.1). In some cases, certain extrinsic
homeostasis A steady internal balance, or equilibrium.
set point A value that is defended to maintain homeostasis.
drive A state of tension and arousal triggered by cues important for survival.
drive reduction The state of relief and reward produced by removing the tension and arousal of the drive state.
incentive A reward that pulls an organism’s behavior in a particular direction.
intrinsic reward A reward that arises internally.
extrinsic reward A reward from an outside source.
Many animals are motivated to explore their surroundings even when they have no immediate needs, because being familiar with your neighborhood saves time when a need does arise, whether that is food, water, shelter from a storm, or a gas station. Technology to help us deal with unfamiliar places is very popular.
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designed to increase its temperature, such as producing heat by the m contractctioionsn wee knknoow aas s shivverering.g. IIf f yoyour cooree bodydy ttemempperaatuturere abovee itits set poinnt,t, ccoollingng mmecechaaninisms are acactitivavated.d. YYou sweaat, anand evapooraating moissture cooools yyouourr skkinin. BlBlooood isis ddiviveerteedd to tthehe ooutter p oof the bbodody,y, lleadidingng tto a a flflushheded apppeaeararancnce..
Motivation begins with a stimulus, from either the internal or ext environmnment of the orgganism, that servvees as a cue for momotivated beha Stimulli tthatt aarere iimpmporortaantt tto susurvrvivivala ,, ssuchch aass ththe e prpresesenenence of a pred or a defieficit inin bb dodyy flufluidids, ggeneeraatee aarouousaal annd d teensnsioion, a state frequ referreded ttoo aas drdrivive (H(Hulull, 119943)). Beining inin a ddriveve sstatatete pprropels the orga into some sort of action related to the stimulus wwhhetethher that means
ise, whether thhat is foood, r fromm aa ststorm, oor a gaas nologgyy to hheelp uus deaall ar places is very popularar.
9781305461994, Discovering Psychology: The Science of the Mind, Cacioppo/Freberg - © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved. No distribution allowed without express authorization.
F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S
WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 291
rewards can have negative effects on intrinsic motivation. For example, if a child who enjoys reading suddenly gets paid for each book completed, the child’s enjoyment of reading might decrease because the motivation shifts from intrinsic (the love of reading) to extrinsic (the love of reward money; DeCharms, 1968).
Psychologists have studied a wide range of motives, ranging from the mostly physical motives of temperature control and thirst to the much more cognitive and social motives to achieve and affiliate with others. We will explore this range by discussing some specific motives in detail, includ- ing hunger, sexuality, achievement, and affiliation. After discussing these examples, we will examine the ways human beings set priorities when faced with competing motives.
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How much
Average student earned
Study size*
Results
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Positive Rewarding five different
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behavior, seemed to improve reading skills.
No Effect Paying kids for
higher test scores did not lead to more
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Mixed Kids cut fewer
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4,396 from 20 schools
3,495 from 17 schools
8,320 from 63 schools
*Not including control groups † A combination of metrics that varied from school to school but always included attendance and behavior
Economist Roland Fryer Asks Whether Incentives Work. Harvard economist Roland Fryer overcame a very tough childhood in Daytona, Florida, to become the youngest tenured African American professor in the history of Harvard University. Drawing on his personal experiences, Fryer experimented with different incentives for a variety of school-related behaviors. His results suggest that the relationships among intrinsic rewards, extrinsic rewards, and behavior can be quite complex. Although previous research has shown that extrinsic rewards can undermine intrinsic motivation, it is important to remember that this result occurs only when behavior is intrinsically motivated in the first place. If children do not intrinsically enjoy reading, Fryer suggests paying them to read might work. Unfortunately, Fryer has been the target of death threats for suggesting this simple solution to illiteracy.
F i g u r e 7 . 1
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mented with differennt incentives for a variety of school related behaviors. His results suggest e relationshipss amongng intrinsic rewardss,, exextrtrininsic rerewawardrds, andnd behavioorr can bee qquiuitete ccomplexex. gh prereviviououss resesearch hhas shown that t exxttrinsic rewwarrds can unndeermrmine inntrinnssic c motivation, iit
ortantnt ttoo reememmberr tthahat thhisi result oocccurs only whhen bbehehavioor iis iintntrir nsiccallly mottivivatateded in ththee ace. If children do not iinntrinssici ally enjnjoyoy reading, FFryyer suggesstss payyiningg tthemm ttoo readd mmighht UnUnfortuunately, Fryerr hhas beeenn the targetet ooff dedeaath ththrereatatss for susuggestingng this sisimpmplele ssololuttioion to cycy.
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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S
Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION292
ost university counsel- ing websites offer advice to students about avoid-
ing procrastination. These sites typically describe procrastination in very negative terms. Procrastina- tors are seen as less capable, poorly motivated, more anxious, low in self-esteem, and high in anxiety and
stress (Ferrari, 1991). At the same time, psychologists report that pro- crastination is far from rare. About 70% of college students report some procrastination, and 20% procras- tinate habitually (Schouwenburg, 1995). In contrast to the negative stereotypes of the procrastinator, better students often report more
procrastination, and students who are farther along in their academic careers report more procrastination than students just starting out (Fer- rari, 1991). How can we reconcile these divergent views of procrasti- nation in light of our discussion of motivation?
Why Do We Procrastinate?
Thinking Scientifically
M
Human beings consume a wide range of diets, from the nearly all-meat diet of the traditional Inuit cultures to the vegan diet.
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Hunger and Eating
Hunger is a very complex motive. In comparison to the regulation of body temperature through pro- cesses like sweating or shivering, the reduction of
hunger through eating is much more heavily influenced by emotion, learn- ing, and culture. Human beings take in a remarkable variety of nutrients. The traditional diet of the Inuit people living in Arctic regions contains very little plant material, whereas vegans strictly adhere to a diet that con- tains no animal material at all.
gs ccononsus me a wide raannge mm the nneearly all-meat ddiei t
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9781305461994, Discovering Psychology: The Science of the Mind, Cacioppo/Freberg - © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved. No distribution allowed without express authorization.
F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S
WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE MOTIVATED? 293
The Sensation of Hunger We respond to combinations of external and internal cues that make us feel hungry. External cues for hunger may include time of day, the sights and smells of favorite foods, admo- nitions that we should “clean our plates,” or the social set- tings in which food is pre- sented. These external cues may encourage us to eat when our bodies do not need nutri- ents or to eat more food than we require. Individuals who are relatively less responsive to external cues are less likely to have trouble maintaining a healthy weight.
Internal cues for hunger are generated when our bodies are genuinely short on nutrients. Note that “short on nutrients” applies to the mainte- nance of current, not necessarily ideal weight. A morbidly obese person is likely to feel as hungry as a very thin person when sufficient nutrients are not available to maintain the status quo.
Psychologist Walter Cannon provided an early hypothesis about hun- ger cues. Cannon believed that stomach contractions were an important component in the detection of hunger. He persuaded his colleague A. L. Washburn to swallow a balloon attached to an air pump (Cannon & Wash- burn, 1912). The balloon allowed Washburn’s stomach contractions to be monitored. Although Washburn’s feelings of hunger (as expressed by his pushing a telegraph key, since he couldn’t talk with a tube down his throat) correlated with his stomach contractions, these signals do not tell the whole story. Patients who have had their stomachs surgically removed still experience a sense of hunger in the general region where the stomach used to be. Most of us start eating long before our stomachs begin to growl, indi- cating that additional types of signaling must be at work (see ● Figure 7.2).
Is it possible that procrastination can be both adaptive and maladap- tive? It appears so (Schraw, Wadkins, & Olafson, 2007). Students do report negative consequences of procrasti- nation, particularly on term papers, but also see some advantages. Pro- crastination may be viewed as a way of prioritizing unrealistic amounts of work. Consequently, the most “successful” procrastinators plan the term’s work out carefully in advance.
Working under a tight deadline increases motivation for some people and provides a rationale for forgoing other activities, such as socializing with friends. As stressful as such work may be, completion of a task is followed by immediate relief, which may in turn serve as a potent reward for procrastinating.
In light of these findings, should we continue to try to minimize pro- crastination? If so, how would we
do this? Part of the answer lies in assessing the reasons students give for procrastinating: managing time (social and work activities take pre- cedence over schoolwork for most students), avoiding boredom, and working more efficiently. It is likely that once procrastination no longer produces the desired results (i.e., the stress becomes too much or perfor- mance suffers), the student will be motivated to change.
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Walter Cannon. Walter Cannon and his assistant, A. L. Washburn, performed one of the earliest experiments on the relationship between stomach contractions and feelings of hunger. The large waves at the top were Cannon’s recordings of Washburn’s stomach contractions, and the smaller waves at the bottom represent Washburn’s key taps indicating hunger. Although these two events are correlated, there is much more to hunger than a growling stomach.
F i g u r e 7 . 2
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y to feel as hunggry as a very thin person when sufficient nutrients are available to mmaintntain the statusus qquouo. sycchhologgist Waltter Cannonn pprovided anan eearlyy hhypypotthhesisis about hun-n- ues. CaC nnon bbelieieveved d thatt sttomach ccoontracttioons s wew rre aann impoportanant t
ppoonennt in the ddetectitioon of huhungngerer. HeHe pperersuadaded hhisis collleleagagueue AA.. L. hhbuburrn to swallow w aa bballoon attached to an air pump (Cannon & Wash- , 191212)). ThThe e baballlloooon allowedd WWashburn’s stomach contractiionons to be itoredd. AAltl hohougugh WWashburn’’s feelilingngss ofo hhununggerr (a(as exxprpreesssed d byby hhiss ing a tellegraph key, since he coouldndn’t’t t lalkk wiwithth a tuube ddownwn hhiss thrhroaat))
elated with his stomach conttractionsns, thhesese siiggnals do nott tellll thhe e story Patients who have had their stomachs surgically removed still
performed one of the ear experimementntss onon thee rrelelatatioio betwweeeenn stomach ccontrac ana d ffeeelingsgs off hunngerer.. ThTh wwavees s atat the top wwerre Ca rereccordiningsgs ooff WWashhbuburnrn’ss contractions, and the sma waves at the bottom repr WaWashshbubuuurnrnnn’s key taps indic huhungngeer. Although these tw araree cocorrelated, there is mu momorere tto hunger than a gro
h
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F O S T E R , C E D R I C 1 6 9 2 T S
Chapter 7 | THE FEELING MIND: MOTIVATION AND EMOTION294
A likely candidate for an additional hunger cue is a low level of circulat- ing sugars, particularly glucose. Glucose concentrations in the blood are highest just following a meal. As glucose levels drop over time, a person begins to feel hungry again. Glucose levels are intimately connected with levels of the hormone insulin. Insulin, released by the pancreas, moves circulating glucose from the blood into cells awaiting nutrients. Typically, glucose and insulin levels are positively correlated. Right after a meal, both are high. Glucose levels rise as glucose is extracted from the food that has been consumed, and insulin is high because its release is triggered by the anticipation and consumption of food. As time goes by without more food, glucose moves from the blood into other tissues, and insulin is no longer released, leading to lower levels of both substances in the blood. These lower levels of glucose and insulin should signal the need for more food (see ● Figure 7.3).
This is an overly simplistic conclusion, however. You may know people with diabetes mellitus who must check the glucose levels in their blood several times per day, as high levels of circulating glucose can harm many organs. High glucose levels occur in untreated diabetes due to either a lack of insulin production (Type I diabetes) or the body’s resistance to insulin (Type II diabetes). Without sufficient insulin activity, circulating glucose is unable to move out of the blood into the cells that need nutrients. If hun- ger results from low levels of circulating glucose, we would expect people with untreated diabetes to not feel very hungry, but this is definitely not the case. Most patients with high blood sugar report feeling hungry all the time. This makes sense when you consider that their cells are starving due to their inability to obtain glucose from the blood. It is more accurate to say that the amount of glucose that is available to cells is an indicator of hunger (Mayer, 1955). Hunger will result whenever cells are unable to obtain the glucose they require.
Hunger also occurs in response to low levels of stored fats (Kennedy, 1953). If you maintain a healthy weight, you are carrying sufficient body
glucose A type of sugar that plays an important role in hunger levels.
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Insulin Release Is Reduced in Type 2 Diabetes. Following a meal (time 0), a healthy person experiences a large spike in insulin levels. In contrast, a person with Type 2 diabetes has a much slower and less dramatic release of insulin. The person with diabetes will not be able to move glucose out of the blood into cells requiring nutrients. The appetite-suppressing action of insulin will be less effective, and the person with diabetes will remain hungry.