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U.S. A N A R R A T I V E H I S T O R Y
Seventh Edit ion
V O L U M E 2 : F R O M 1 8 6 5
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The Way You Once Had to Teach History . . .
McGraw-Hill provides INSIGHT® to help you achieve your course goals. How would your teaching experience change if you could access this information at a glance, either on your computer or tablet device?
1. How are my students performing?
2. How is this particular student performing?
3. How is my section performing?
4. How eff ective are my assignments?
5. How eff ective is this particular assignment?
McGraw-Hill’s Connect Insight® is a fi rst-of- its-kind analytics tool that distills clear answers to these fi ve questions and delivers them to instructors in at-a-glance snapshots.
Connect Insight’s® elegant navigation makes it intuitive and easy-to-use, allowing you to focus on what is important: helping your students succeed.
. . . IS NOW HISTORY!
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U.S.: A Narrative History off ers thirty interactive maps that support geographical as well as historical thinking. These maps appear in both the eBook and Connect History exercises.
For some interactive maps, students click on the boxes in the map legend to see changing boundaries, visualize migration routes, or analyze war battles and election results.
With others, students manipulate a slider to help them better understand change over time.
Interactive maps give students a hands-on understanding of geography.
BR ITI SH CANADA
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PAIUTE
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KANSA
PAWNEEARAPAHO
CHEYENNE
ARIKARA
MANDAN SIOUX CROW
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BLACKFOOT
CHINOOK
CLATSOP
Chihuahua
St. Louis
New Orleans
New York Philadelphia
Fort Mandan
Fort Bellafontaine
Fort Clatsop
INDIANA TERRITORY
MICH. TERR.
OHIO
KENTUCKY
VIRGINIA
TENNESSEE
NORTH CAROLINA
SOUTH CAROLINA
GEORGIAMISSISSIPPI TERRITORY
MD. DEL.
N.J.
NEW YORK
PENNSYLVANIA
VT. N.H.
MAINE (part of MASS.)
MASS.
R.I. CONN.
LOUISIANA PURCHASE
OREGON COUNTRY (Disputed)
SPANISH POSSESSIONS
TEXAS (claimed by U.S.
1803–1819) SPANISH FLORID A
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U.S. POPULATION DENSITY PER SQUARE MILE, 1800
Under 2
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BR ITI SH CANADA
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St. Louis
New OOrlearleansNNNNNNN
NNew w YYYoororkNNNNNeNNNNN PhPhiladedelphia
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GEORGGIAMISSISSIPPI TERRITORY
DMDD.MDMDMDMDMDDDMDMD DELL..DDDDDDDDD
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SPANISH POSSESSIONS
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1803–1819) SSPAAAAAAAPP NNNNNNISH FLORID A
00 250
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U.S. POPULATION DENSITY PER SQUARE MILE, 1800
Under 2
18–45
2–17
Over 45
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U.S.: A Narrative History is a 21st-century approach to teaching history. Students study smarter with SmartBook.
The fi rst and only adaptive reading experience, SmartBook is changing the way students read and learn.
• As the student engages with SmartBook, questions test his or her understanding. In response to the student’s answers, the reading experience actually adapts to what the student knows or doesn’t know.
• SmartBook highlights the content the student is struggling with, so he or she can focus on reviewing that information.
• By focusing on the content needed to close specifi c knowledge gaps, the student maximizes the effi ciency of his or her study time.
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Critical missions promote critical thinking. What would your students do if they were senators voting on the impeachment of Andrew Johnson?
Or if they were advisers to Harry Truman, helping him decide whether to drop the atomic bomb?
Critical Missions make students feel like active participants in history by immersing them in a series of transformative moments from our past.
As advisers to key historical fi gures, they read and analyze primary sources, interpret maps and timelines, and write recommendations.
As a follow-up activity in each Critical Mission, students learn to think like historians by conducting a retrospective analysis from a contemporary perspective.
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U.S. A N A R R A T I V E H I S T O R Y
Seventh Edit ion James West Davidson
Christine Leigh Heyrman University of Delaware
Brian DeLay University of California, Berkeley
Mark H. Lytle Bard College
Michael B. Stoff University of Texas, Austin
V O L U M E 2 : F R O M 1 8 6 5
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U.S.: A Narrative History AUTHORS
James West Davidson Brian DeLay Christine Leigh Heyrman Mark H. Lytle Michael B. Stoff
SENIOR VICE PRESIDENT, PRODUCTS & MARKETS Kurt L. Strand VICE PRESIDENT, GENERAL MANAGER, PRODUCTS & MARKETS Michael Ryan VICE PRESIDENT, CONTENT DESIGN & DELIVERY Kimberly Meriwether David
MANAGING DIRECTOR Gina Boedeker BRAND MANAGER Laura Wilk
LEAD PRODUCT DEVELOPER Rhona Robbin EXECUTIVE MARKETING MANAGER Stacy Ruel Best
MARKETING MANAGER April Cole DIGITAL PRODUCT ANALYST John Brady
DIRECTOR, CONTENT DESIGN & DELIVERY Terri Schiesl PROGRAM MANAGER Marianne Musni
CONTENT PROJECT MANAGER Christine A. Vaughan CONTENT PROJECT MANAGER Emily Kline
BUYER Laura M. Fuller DESIGN Matt Backhaus
CONTENT LICENSING SPECIALIST, IMAGES Lori Hancock CONTENT LICENSING SPECIALIST, TEXT Beth Thole
COMPOSITOR Laserwords Private Limited TYPEFACE 10/12 UniMath PRINTER R. R. Donnelley
U.S.: A Narrative History, Seventh Edition Published by McGraw-Hill Education, 2 Penn Plaza, New York, NY 10121. Copyright © 2015 by McGraw-Hill Edu- cation. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Previous editions © 2012, 2009. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education, including, but not limited to, in any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning.
Some ancillaries, including electronic and print components, may not be available to customers outside the United States.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 DOW/DOW 1 0 9 8 7 6 5 4
ISBN 978-0-07-778042-5 (complete); MHID 0-07-778042-6 (complete)
ISBN 978-0-07-351330-0 (volume 1); MHID 0-07-351330-X (volume 1)
ISBN 978-0-07-778036-4 (volume 2); MHID 0-07-778036-1 (volume 2)
Cover image credits: Miss Ting; Idaho farm; woman weaving; “Our City” lithograph of St. Louis, Janicke and Co. 1859; “Pocahantas Saving the Life of Capt. John Smith,”(detail); “Heart of the Klondike”(detail): The Library of Congress; Caesar Chavez (detail): © Arthur Schatz/Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images; Hopewell Hand: © Heritage Images/Corbis; Freedman’s School: © Bettmann/Corbis; “Mandan Dog Sled,” Karl Bodmer: © Free Library, Phila- delphia/Bridgeman Images; “Tragic Prelude” (detail): © Kansas State Historical Society; “Mrs. Chandler” (detail): Courtesy, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.; Uncle Sam with Banjo: HistoryPicks; View from Space: © NASA/ JSC; Buffalo Hunt: Courtesy, National Gallery of Art, Washington.
All credits appearing on page or at the end of the book are considered to be an extension of the copyright page.
Library of Congress Control Number: 2014943610
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17 Reconstructing the Union 1865–1877 332
18 The New South and the Trans-Mississippi West 1870–1890 351
19 The New Industrial Order 1870–1900 374
20 The Rise of an Urban Order 1870–1900 395
21 The Political System under Strain at Home and Abroad 1877–1900 417
22 The Progressive Era 1890–1920 442
23 The United States and the Collapse of the Old World Order 1901–1920 465
24 The New Era 1920–1929 488
25 The Great Depression and the New Deal 1929–1939 510
26 America’s Rise to Globalism 1927–1945 540
27 Cold War America 1945–1954 568
28 The Suburban Era 1945–1963 588
29 Civil Rights and Uncivil Liberties 1947–1969 611
30 The Vietnam Era 1963–1975 631
31 The Conservative Challenge 1976–1992 656
32 The United States in a Global Community 1989–Present 681
SOME HIGHLIGHTS: DUELING DOCUMENTS is a new feature appearing in half the chapters. Each box showcases two pri- mary sources with contrasting points of view.
HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX, alternating with Dueling Documents, showcases historical images and arti- facts, asking students to focus on visual evidence and examine material culture. New items in this edition include “A White Man’s View of Custer’s Defeat,” exhibiting a popular lithograph on the subject and discussing its iconography; “Youth in a Jar,” analyzing an advertisement for beauty cream; stills from the 1951 Civil Defense film, “Duck and Cover,” starring Bert the Turtle in atomic attack.
GEOGRAPHIC QUESTIONS have been added to many map captions to reinforce geographic liter- acy and to connect the maps to the chapter’s rel- evant themes.
CHAPTER 18, THE NEW SOUTH AND THE TRANS- MISSISSIPPI WEST discusses the costs of Jim Crow segregation to white as well as black south- erners; plus a discussion of the Navajo “Long Walk” or forced deportation from Arizona to east- ern New Mexico.
CHAPTER 20, THE RISE OF AN URBAN ORDER, con- tains a new opening narrative, “The Dogs of Hell,” evoking the famous Chicago fire of 1871.
CHAPTER 22, THE PROGRESSIVE ERA, includes new material on Margaret Sanger, birth control, and its relationship to a wave of forced steriliza- tions, as well as a new discussion of Progressiv- ism in western states. CHAPTER 24, THE NEW ERA, discusses the emer- gence of “Companionate Marriage,” in which companionship and sexual intimacy helped invest marriage with greater equality.
CHAPTER 28, THE SUBURBAN ERA, examines the “Cola Wars” between Coke and Pepsi, as an example of the role of advertising in a consumer economy.
CHAPTER 30, THE VIETNAM ERA, now ends with the fall of Saigon. Material on OPEC, the Middle East, and Kissinger-Ford diplomacy has been moved to Chapter 31. The restructuring makes both chapters more coherent and balanced in length.
CHAPTER 31, THE CONSERVATIVE CHALLENGE, pro- files Saturday Night Fever (the most popular box- office movie of the decade) to examine the era’s culture wars.
CHAPTER 32, THE UNITED STATES IN A GLOBAL COMMUNITY, expands to cover the troubled rollout of the Affordable Care Act, growing concern with income inequality, global warming and climate change; and the debate over hydraulic fracturing.
WHAT’S NEW U.S. BRIEF CONTENTS
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x | C O N T E N T S |
Racism and the Failure of Reconstruction 347
CHAPTER SUMMARY 349 | ADDITIONAL READING 349 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 350
18 THE NEW SOUTH AND THE TRANS-MISSISSIPPI WEST 1870–1890
AN AMERICAN STORY: “Come West” 351
The Southern Burden 352 Tenancy and Sharecropping 353
17 RECONSTRUCTING THE UNION 1865–1877
AN AMERICAN STORY: A Secret Sale at Davis Bend 332
Presidential Reconstruction 334 Lincoln’s 10 Percent Plan 334
Reconstruction under Andrew Johnson 334
The Failure of Johnson’s Program 335
Johnson’s Break with Congress 336
The Fourteenth Amendment 336
The Election of 1866 337
Congressional Reconstruction 337 Post-Emancipation Societies in the Americas 338
The Land Issue 338
Impeachment 338
Reconstruction in the South 339 Black and White Republicans 339
Reforms under the New State Governments 339
Economic Issues and Corruption 340
Black Aspirations 340 Experiencing Freedom 340
The Black Family 340
The Schoolhouse and the Church 341
New Working Conditions 341
Planters and a New Way of Life 343
The Abandonment of Reconstruction 343 The Grant Administration 343
Growing Northern Disillusionment 345
The Triumph of White Supremacy 346
The Disputed Election of 1876 346
HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX Dressed to Kill 347
Contents
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| C O N T E N T S | xi
Transportation and Communication 377
Finance Capital 378
The Corporation 378
An International Pool of Labor 378
Railroads: America’s First Big Business 379 A Managerial Revolution 380
Competition and Consolidation 381
The Challenge of Finance 381
The Growth of Big Business 381 Strategies of Growth 382
Carnegie Integrates Steel 382
Rockefeller and the Great Standard Oil Trust 383
The Mergers of J. Pierpont Morgan 384
Corporate Defenders 384
Corporate Critics 384
The Costs of Doing Business 385
The Workers’ World 386 Industrial Work 387
Children, Women, and African Americans 388
The American Dream of Success 389
The Systems of Labor 389 Early Unions 389
The Knights of Labor 389
HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX Digital Detecting 390
The American Federation of Labor 391
The Limits of Industrial Systems 391
Management Strikes Again 392
CHAPTER SUMMARY 393 | ADDITIONAL READING 393 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 394
Southern Industry 354
The Sources of Southern Poverty 355
Life in the New South 356 Rural Life 356
The Church 356
Segregation 357
Western Frontiers 357 Western Landscapes 358
Indian Peoples and the Western Environment 358
Whites and the Western Environment: Competing Visions 359
The War for the West 360 Contact and Conflict 361
Custer’s Last Stand—and the Indians’ 361
HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX A White Man’s View of Custer’s Defeat 363
Killing with Kindness 363
Borderlands 364
Ethno-Racial Identity in the New West 365
Boom and Bust in the West 366 Mining Sets a Pattern 366
The Transcontinental Railroad 366
Cattle Kingdom 367
The Final Frontier 368 Farming on the Plains 368
A Plains Existence 368
The Urban Frontier 369
The West and the World Economy 370
Packaging and Exporting the “Wild West” 370
CHAPTER SUMMARY 372 | ADDITIONAL READING 372 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 373
19 THE NEW INDUSTRIAL ORDER 1870–1900
AN AMERICAN STORY: Scampering through America 374
The Development of Industrial Systems 375 Natural Resources and Industrial Technology 376
Systematic Invention 376
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City Life 404 The Immigrant in the City 404
Urban Middle-Class Life 406
Victorianism and the Pursuit of Virtue 406
DUELING DOCUMENTS City Scenes 407
Challenges to Convention 408
The Decline of “Manliness” 409
City Culture 409 Public Education in an Urban Industrial World 409
Higher Learning and the Rise of the Professional 410
Higher Education for Women 411
A Culture of Consumption 412
Leisure 413
Arts and Entertainment 413
CHAPTER SUMMARY 415 | ADDITIONAL READING 415 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 416
21 THE POLITICAL SYSTEM UNDER STRAIN AT HOME AND ABROAD 1877–1900
AN AMERICAN STORY: “The World United at Chicago” 417
The Politics of Paralysis 419 Political Stalemate 419
The Parties 419
The Issues 420
The White House from Hayes to Harrison 421
Ferment in the States and Cities 422
20 THE RISE OF AN URBAN ORDER 1870–1900
AN AMERICAN STORY: “The Dogs of Hell” 395
A New Urban Age 397 The Urban Explosion 397
The Great Global Migration 397
Holding the City Together 398
Bridges and Skyscrapers 399
Slum and Tenement 400
Running and Reforming the City 401 Boss Rule 401
Rewards, Accomplishments, and Costs 402
Nativism, Revivals, and the Social Gospel 403
The Social Settlement Movement 403
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| C O N T E N T S | xiii
Controlling the Masses 450 Stemming the Immigrant Tide 450
The Curse of Demon Rum 450
Prostitution 451
“For Whites Only” 451
HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX Mementos of Murder 452
The Politics of Municipal and State Reform 453 The Reformation of the Cities 453
Progressivism in the States 454
Progressivism Goes to Washington 455 TR 455
A Square Deal 456
Bad Food and Pristine Wilds 457
The Troubled Taft 459
The Election of 1912 459
Woodrow Wilson and the Politics of Morality 460 Early Career 460
The Reforms of the New Freedom 461
Labor and Social Reform 462
CHAPTER SUMMARY 463 | ADDITIONAL READING 463 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 464
23 THE UNITED STATES AND THE COLLAPSE OF THE OLD WORLD ORDER 1901–1920 AN AMERICAN STORY: “A Path Between the Seas” 465
Progressive Diplomacy 467 Big Stick in the Caribbean 467
The Revolt of the Farmers 422 The Harvest of Discontent 422
The Origins of the Farmers’ Alliance 423
The Alliance Peaks 423
The Election of 1892 424
The New Realignment 425 The Depression of 1893 425
DUELING DOCUMENTS WHAT SHOULD THE GOVERNMENT DO? 426
The Rumblings of Unrest 426
The Battle of the Standards 427
Campaign and Election 428
The Rise of Jim Crow Politics 429
The African American Response 429
McKinley in the White House 430
Visions of Empire 431 Imperialism, European-Style and American 431
The Shapers of American Imperialism 432
Dreams of a Commercial Empire 434
The Imperial Moment 435 Mounting Tensions 435
The Imperial War 436
Peace and the Debate over Empire 437
From Colonial War to Colonial Rule 438
An Open Door in China 439
CHAPTER SUMMARY 440 | ADDITIONAL READING 441 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 441
22 THE PROGRESSIVE ERA 1890–1920 AN AMERICAN STORY: Burned Alive in the City 442
The Roots of Progressive Reform 444 Progressive Beliefs 444
The Pragmatic Approach 444
The Progressive Method 445
The Search for the Good Society 446 Poverty in a New Light 446
Expanding the “Woman’s Sphere” 446
Social Welfare 447
Woman Suffrage 448
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xiv | C O N T E N T S |
24 THE NEW ERA 1920–1929 AN AMERICAN STORY:
Yesterday Meets Today in the New Era 488
The Roaring Economy 490 Technology, Consumer Spending, and the Boom in Construction 490
The Automobile 490
The Future of Energy 491
The Business of America 492
Welfare Capitalism 492
HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX Youth in a Jar 493
The Consumer Culture 493
A Mass Society 494 A “New Woman” 494
Mass Media 496
The Cult of Celebrity 497
“Ain’t We Got Fun?” 497
The Art of Alienation 498
A “New Negro” 498
Defenders of the Faith 499 Nativism and Immigration Restriction 500
The “Noble Experiment” 500
KKK 501
Fundamentalism versus Darwinism 502
Republicans Ascendant 503 The Politics of “Normalcy” 503
A “Diplomatist of the Highest Rank” 468
Dollar Diplomacy 468
Woodrow Wilson and Moral Diplomacy 468 Missionary Diplomacy 469
Intervention in Mexico 470
The Road to War 470 The Guns of August 470
Neutral but Not Impartial 471
The Diplomacy of Neutrality 472
Peace, Preparedness, and the Election of 1916 473
Wilson’s Final Peace Offensive 473
War and Society 474 The Slaughter of Stalemate 474
“You’re in the Army Now” 475
Mobilizing the Economy 476
War Work 476
Great Migrations 477
Propaganda and Civil Liberties 477
Over There 478
DUELING DOCUMENTS The Limits of Free Speech 479
The Influenza Pandemic of 1918–1919 480
The Lost Peace 481 The Treaty of Versailles 483
The Battle for the Treaty 483
Red Scare 484
CHAPTER SUMMARY 486 | ADDITIONAL READING 486 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 487
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| C O N T E N T S | xv
DUELING DOCUMENTS Two Views of the “Forgotten Man” 521
Saving the Banks 522
Relief for the Unemployed 522
Planning for Industrial Recovery 524
Planning for Agriculture 525
A Second New Deal (1935–1936) 526 Dissent from the Deal 526
The Second Hundred Days 527
The Election of 1936 528
The New Deal and the American People 529 The New Deal and Western Water 529
The Limited Reach of the New Deal 530
Tribal Rights 531
A New Deal for Women 531
The Rise of Organized Labor 532
“Art for the Millions” 533
The End of the New Deal (1937–1940) 534 Packing the Courts 534
The Demise of the Deal 535
The Legacy of the New Deal 537
CHAPTER SUMMARY 537 | ADDITIONAL READING 538 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 539
26 AMERICA’S RISE TO GLOBALISM 1927–1945
AN AMERICAN STORY: “Oh Boy” 540
The United States in a Troubled World 542 Pacific Interests 542
Becoming a Good Neighbor 542
The Diplomacy of Isolationism 543
Inching toward War 544
Hitler’s Invasion 545
Retreat from Isolationism 545
Disaster in the Pacific 546
A Global War 546 Strategies for War 547
Gloomy Prospects 547
A Grand Alliance 548
The Naval War in the Pacific 548
The Policies of Mellon and Hoover 503
Crises at Home and Abroad 504
The Election of 1928 505
The Great Bull Market 506 The Rampaging Bull 506
The Great Crash 506
Causes of the Great Depression 507
CHAPTER SUMMARY 508 | ADDITIONAL READING 509 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 509
25 THE GREAT DEPRESSION AND THE NEW DEAL 1929–1939
AN AMERICAN STORY: Letters from the Edge 510
The Human Impact of the Great Depression 512 Hard Times 512
The Golden Age of Radio and Film 513
“Dirty Thirties”: An Ecological Disaster 514
Mexican Americans and Repatriation 515
African Americans in the Depression 515
The Tragedy of Herbert Hoover 516 The Failure of Relief 516
The Hoover Depression Program 517
Stirrings of Discontent 518
The Bonus Army 519
The Election of 1932 519
The Early New Deal (1933–1935) 520 The Democratic Roosevelts 520
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xvi | C O N T E N T S |
HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX Duck and Cover 574
The Atomic Shield versus the Iron Curtain 575
Postwar Prosperity 576 Hidden Costs of a Consuming Nation 576
Postwar Adjustments 576
The New Deal at Bay 577
The Election of 1948 578
The Fair Deal 579
The Cold War at Home 579 The Shocks of 1949 579
The Loyalty Crusade 580
HUAC and Hollywood 581
The Ambitions of Senator McCarthy 581
From Cold War to Hot War and Back 582 Police Action 583
The Chinese Intervene 583
Truman versus MacArthur 583
The Global Implications of the Cold War 584
The Election of 1952 584
The Fall of McCarthy 585
CHAPTER SUMMARY 586 | ADDITIONAL READING 586 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 587
28 THE SUBURBAN ERA 1945–1963
AN AMERICAN STORY: Dynamic Obsolescence (The Wonderful World of Harley Earl) 588
The Rise of the Suburbs 590 A Boom in Babies and in Housing 590
Turning Points in Europe 549
Those Who Fought 550
Minorities at War 550
Women at War 551
War Production 551 Mobilizing for War 551
Science Goes to War 552
War Work and Prosperity 553
Organized Labor 554
Women Workers 554
Mobility 554
A Question of Rights 555 Italians and Asian Americans 555
DUELING DOCUMENTS “Who Do You Want to Win This War?”—Justifying Internment 556
Minorities and War Work 558
Urban Unrest 558
The New Deal in Retreat 559
Winning the War and the Peace 560 The Fall of the Third Reich 560
Two Roads to Tokyo 561
Big Three Diplomacy 561
The Road to Yalta 561
The Fallen Leader 563
The Holocaust 564
A Lasting Peace 564
Atom Diplomacy 565
CHAPTER SUMMARY 566 | ADDITIONAL READING 566 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 567
27 COLD WAR AMERICA 1945–1954
AN AMERICAN STORY: Glad to Be Home? 568
The Rise of the Cold War 570 American Suspicions 570
Communist Expansion 570
A Policy of Containment 571
The Truman Doctrine 572
The Marshall Plan 572
NATO 572
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| C O N T E N T S | xvii
The Hard-Nosed Idealists of Camelot 605
The (Somewhat) New Frontier at Home 606
Kennedy’s Cold War 606
Cold War Frustrations 606
Confronting Khrushchev 607
The Missiles of October 608
CHAPTER SUMMARY 609 | ADDITIONAL READING 610 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 610
29 CIVIL RIGHTS AND UNCIVIL LIBERTIES 1947–1969
AN AMERICAN STORY: Two Roads to Integration 611
The Civil Rights Movement 613 The Changing South and African Americans 613
The NAACP and Civil Rights 613
The Brown Decision 614
Latino Civil Rights 614
A New Civil Rights Strategy 615
Little Rock and the White Backlash 616
A Movement Becomes a Crusade 616 Riding to Freedom 616
Civil Rights at High Tide 617
The Fire Next Time 619
Black Power 619
Violence in the Streets 620
Lyndon Johnson and the Great Society 621 The Origins of the Great Society 621
The Election of 1964 622
The Great Society 622
The Reforms of the Warren Court 624
Youth Movements 624 Activists on the New Left 625
Vatican II and American Catholics 625
The Rise of the Counterculture 625
The Rock Revolution 626
DUELING DOCUMENTS Student Voices for a New America 627
The West Coast Scene 628
CHAPTER SUMMARY 629 | ADDITIONAL READING 630 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 630
Suburbs and Cities Transformed 591
Environmental Blues 592
The Culture of Suburbia 593 American Civil Religion 593
“Homemaking” Women in the Workaday World 594
The Flickering Gray Screen 595
The Politics of Calm 595 The Eisenhower Presidency 595
The Conglomerate World 596
Cracks in the Consensus 597 Critics of Mass Culture 597
Juvenile Delinquency, Rock and Roll, and Rebellion 598
Nationalism in an Age of Superpowers 599 To the Brink? 599
Brinkmanship in Asia 600
The Superpowers 601
Nationalism Unleashed 601
The Response to Sputnik 602
DUELING DOCUMENTS The Kitchen Debate 603
Thaws and Freezes 604
The Cold War on a New Frontier 604 The Election of 1960 605
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Value Politics: The Consumer and Environmental Movements 648 Technology and Unbridled Growth 648
Political Action 648
The Legacy of Identity and Value Politics 649
The End of the War 650
Pragmatic Conservatism 650 Nixon’s New Federalism 651
Stagflation 651
Social Policies and the Court 651
Triumph and Revenge 652
Break-In 652
To the Oval Office 652
Resignation 653
CHAPTER SUMMARY 654 | ADDITIONAL READING 655 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 655
31 THE CONSERVATIVE CHALLENGE 1976–1992
AN AMERICAN STORY: The New American Commons 656
The Conservative Rebellion 658 Tax Revolt 658
The Diverse Evangelical World 658
The Catholic Conscience 658
Moving Religion into Politics 659
The Media as Battleground 659
Saturday Night Fever 660
The Presidency in Transition: Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter 660 War Powers Resolution 660
Influence of Kissinger 660
Energy and the Middle East 661
30 THE VIETNAM ERA 1963–1975
AN AMERICAN STORY: Who Is the Enemy? 631
The Road to Vietnam 633 Lyndon Johnson’s War 633
Rolling Thunder 634
Social Consequences of the War 635 The Soldiers’ War 635
The War at Home 636
The Unraveling 637 Tet Offensive 637
The Shocks of 1968 638
Revolutionary Clashes Worldwide 639
Whose Silent Majority? 639
The Nixon Era 640 Vietnamization—and Cambodia 640
Fighting a No-Win War 641
The Move toward Détente 641
The New Identity Politics 642 HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX A Farmworkers’ Boycott Poster 643
Latino Activism 643
The Choices of American Indians 645
Asian Americans 645
Gay Rights 646
Feminism 646
Equal Rights and Abortion 647
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| C O N T E N T S | xix
The Clinton Presidency 686 The New World Disorder 686
Yugoslavian Turmoil 686
Middle East Peace 687
Recovery without Reform at Home 687
The Conservative Revolution Reborn 688
Women’s Issues 688
Scandal 688
The Politics of Surplus 689
Hanging by a Chad: The Election of 2000 689
The United States in a Networked World 690 The Internet Revolution 690
American Workers in a Two-Tiered Economy 690
African Americans and the Persistence of the Racial Divide 691
African Americans in a Full-Employment Economy 691
Global Pressures in a Multicultural America 692
Terrorism in a Global Age 692 A Conservative Agenda at Home 693
Unilateralism in Foreign Affairs 694
The Roots of Terror 694
The War on Terror: First Phase 695
The War in Iraq 695
A Messy Aftermath 696
The Second Term 696
Disasters Domestic and Foreign 697
Collapse 697
Obama and a Divided Nation 698 First-Term Reforms 699
Short, Medium, Long 700
Environmental Uncertainties 701
DUELING DOCUMENTS Cold War over Global Warming 702
CHAPTER SUMMARY 704 | ADDITIONAL READING 704 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 705
Limits across the Globe 661
Jimmy Carter: Restoring the Faith 661
The Search for Direction 663
Energy and the Environment 663
The Sagging Economy 664
Foreign Policy: Principled or Pragmatic? 664
The Middle East: Hope and Hostages 664
A President Held Hostage 665
Prime Time with Ronald Reagan 666 The Great Communicator 666
The Reagan Agenda 667
A Halfway Revolution 668
Winners and Losers in the Labor Market 668
Standing Tall in a Chaotic World 670 The Military Buildup 670
Disaster in the Middle East 670
Frustrations in Central America 670
The Iran-Contra Connection 671
Cover Blown 672
From Cold War to Glasnost 672
An End to the Cold War 673 HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX The Berlin Wall 674
A Post–Cold War Foreign Policy 674
The Gulf War 675
Domestic Doldrums 675
The Conservative Court 676
Disillusionment and Anger 677
The Election of 1992 677
CHAPTER SUMMARY 678 | ADDITIONAL READING 679 | SIGNIFICANT EVENTS 680
32 THE UNITED STATES IN A GLOBAL COMMUNITY 1989–Present
AN AMERICAN STORY: Of Grocery Chains and Migration Chains 681
The New Immigration 683 The New Look of America—Asian Americans 684
The New Look of America—Latinos 684
Illegal Immigration 685
Links with the Home Country 685
Religious Diversity 685
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xx | F E A T U R E S |
Primary sources help students think critically about history. DUELING DOCUMENTS Two primary source documents offer contrasting perspectives on key events for analysis and discussion. Introductions and Critical Thinking questions frame the documents.
T HE K ITCHEN D EBATE On July 24, 1959, Vice President Richard Nixon and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev met at an exhibi- tion in Moscow, showcasing American technology and culture. For Nixon the consumer goods on display offered proof of the superiority of the American free-enterprise system. Khrushchev argued forcefully, though defensively, that the Soviet Union could provide equally well for its housewives. While the event appeared to be spontaneous, Nixon had been looking for an opportunity to stand up to the pugnacious Rus- sian leader. In this primary newspaper account, the dueling is within a single document.
Dueling D O C U M E N T S
D O C U M E N T 1 Khrushchev-Nixon Debate
Nixon: “There are some instances where you may be ahead of us, for example in the development of the thrust of your rockets for the investigation of outer space, there may be some instances in which we are ahead of you—in color television, for instance.”
Khrushchev: “No, we are up with you on this, too. We have bested you in one technique and also in the other.”
Nixon: “You see, you never concede anything.”
Khrushchev: “I do not give up.”
Nixon: “Wait till you see the picture. Let’s have for more communication and exchange in this very area that we speak of. We should hear you more on our televisions. You should hear us more on yours.”
Khrushchev: “That’s a good idea. Let’s do it like this. You appear before our people. We will appear before your people. People will see and appreciate this.”
Nixon: “There is not a day in the United States when we cannot read what you say. When Kozlov was speaking in California about peace, you were talking here in somewhat dif- ferent terms. This was reported extensively in the American press. Never make a statement here if you don’t want it to be read in the United States. I can promise you every word you say will be translated into English.”
Khrushchev: “I doubt it. I want you to give your word that this speech of mine will be heard by the American people.”
Nixon: [shaking hands on it] “By the same token, everything I say will be translated and heard all over the Soviet Union?”
Khrushchev: “That’s agreed.”
Nixon: “You must not be afraid of ideas.”
Khrushchev: “We are telling you not to be afraid of ideas. We have no reason to be afraid. We have already broken free from such a situation.”
Nixon: “Well, then, let’s have more exchange of them. We are all agreed on that. All right? All right?”. . .
Khrushchev: [after Nixon called attention to a built-in panel-controlled washing machine.] “We have such things.”
Nixon: “This is the newest model. This is the kind which is built in thousands of units for direct installation in the houses.” He added that Americans were interested in making life easier for their women.
Mr. Khrushchev remarked that in the Soviet Union, they did not have “the capitalist atti- tude toward women.”
Nixon: “I think that this attitude toward women is universal. What we want to do is make eas- ier the life of our housewives.” He explained that the house could be built for $14,000 and that most veterans had bought houses for between $10,000 and $15,000. . . .
“Let me give you an example you can appre- ciate. Our steelworkers, as you know, are on strike. But any steelworker could buy this house. They earn $3 an hour. This house costs about $100 a month to buy on a con- tract running 25 to 30 years.”
Khrushchev: “We have steel workers and we have peasants who also can afford to spend $14,000 for a house.” He said American houses were built to last only 20 years, so builders could sell new houses at the end of that period. “We build firmly. We build for our children and grandchildren.”
Mr. Nixon said he thought American houses would last more than 20 years, but even so, after 20 years many Americans went a new home or a new kitchen, which would be obsolete then. The American system is designed to take advantage of new inven- tions and new techniques, he said.
Khrushchev: “This theory does not hold water.” He said some things never got out of date—furniture and furnishings, perhaps, but not houses. He said he did not think houses. He said he did not think that what Americans had written about their houses was all strictly accurate.
Nixon: [pointing to television screen.] “We can see here what is happening in other parts of the home.”
Khrushchev: “This is probably always out of order.”
Nixon: “Da [yes.]”
Khrushchev: “Don’t you have a machine that puts food into the mouth and pushes it down? Many things you’ve shown us are interesting but they are not needed in life. They have no useful purpose. They are merely gadgets. We have a saying, if you have bedbugs you have to catch one and pour boiling water into the ear.”
Nixon: “We have another saying. This is that the way to kill a fly is to make it drink whisky. But we have a better use for whisky. [Aside] I like to have this battle of wits with the Chairman. He knows his business.”
Source: “The Kitchen Debate.” Richard Nixon and Nikita Khrushchev, July 24, 1959, Moscow, U.S.S.R.
THINKING CRITICALLY How does Khrushchev counter Nixon’s explanation of “planned obsoles- cence”? What is Khrushchev’s attitude about high-tech American consumer goods? Why was Nixon so insistent that his ideas be broadcast in the Soviet Union? In what way could women be offended by the two lead- ers’ comments?
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— Zitkala-Sa (Gertrude Simmons Bonnin), “The School Days of an Indian Girl," Atlantic Monthly (1900)
“I cried aloud, shaking my head all the while until I felt the cold blades of the scissors against my neck, and heard them gnaw off one of my thick braids. Then I lost my spirit . . . my long hair was shingled like a coward’s! In my anguish I moaned for my mother, but no one came to comfort me. Not a soul reasoned quietly with me, as my own mother used to do; for now I was only one of many little animals driven by a herder.”
witness An Indian Girl Is Shorn at Boarding School
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WITNESS Vivid quotes from diaries, letters, and other texts provide a sense of how individuals experienced historical events.
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| F E A T U R E S | xxi
HISTORIAN’S TOOLBOX These feature boxes, which alternate with Dueling Documents, showcase historical images and artifacts, asking students to focus on visual evidence and examine material culture. Introductions and Critical Thinking questions frame the images.
OPINION Ideal for class discussion or writing, these questions ask students to offer opinions on debated issues.
Is torture justified
against potential
enemies, when the
United States is
under threat from
terrorists?
opinion
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Historian’s T O O L B O X
Artwork can often serve as a lens that reveals the values of political movements. César Chávez and the United Farm Work- ers (UFW) used this poster to arouse pub- lic support in a 1968 national boycott on California lettuce and grapes. Boycotts have often been seen as ineffective or even un-American, because they involve collec- tive action. For the UFW three potential
benefits offset the risks. First, lettuce and grapes were highly perishable, so any delay in selling them could cause growers large losses. Second, the boycott gave Ameri- can consumers distant from farm fields an effective way to support UFW efforts to organize California’s farmworkers. Finally, the campaign promoted a new sense of pride and solidarity among Latinos.
THINKING CRITICALLY Why might a national boycott be a risky strategy? What sense does this poster give you of the labor that farmworkers perform? What are the links between this poster and the “new identity politics” described in the text?
A Farmworkers’ Boycott Poster Si se puede is translated here as “It can be done.” Can you think of a different translation that a more recent political campaign used to recruit Latino voters?
Why is lettuce called a “stoop crop?”
United Farmworkers’ Eagle. Use Google to discover why the eagle was chosen as an emblem for the farmworkers and how it was designed.
What elements of the group suggest the UFW considers itself not only a union movement but also a community organization?
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xxii | L I S T O F M A P S |
17.1 The Southern States during Reconstruction
17.2 A Georgia Plantation after the War
17.3 Election of 1876
18.1 Tenant Farmers, 1900
18.2 Spending on Education in the South before and after Disenfranchisement
18.3 Natural Environment of the West
18.4 The Indian Frontier
18.5 The Mining and Cattle Frontiers
19.1 Railroads, 1870–1890
20.1 Growth of New Orleans to 1900
21.1 Election of 1896
21.2 Imperialist Expansion, 1900
21.3 The Spanish-American War
21.4 The United States in the Pacific
22.1 Dates of Women’s Suffrage
22.2 Election of 1912
23.1 Panama Canal—Old and New Transoceanic Routes
23.2 American Interventions in the Caribbean, 1898–1930
23.3 The War in Europe, 1914–1917
23.4 Election of 1916
23.5 The Final German Offensive and Allied Counterattack, 1918
23.6 Spread of Influenza Pandemic Second Stage, Autumn 1918
23.7 Europe and Middle East after World War I
24.1 Areas of Population Growth, 1920–1930
24.2 The Great Flood of 1927
24.3 Election of 1928
25.1 Election of 1932
25.2 Unemployment Relief, 1934
25.3 The Tennessee Valley Authority
26.1 The U-boat War
26.2 World War II in Europe and North Africa
26.3 D-Day, 1944
26.4 World War II in the Pacific and Asia
27.1 Cold War Europe
27.2 Election of 1948
27.3 The Korean War
28.1 Average Annual Regional Migration, 1947–1960
28.2 Asian Trouble Spots
28.3 Election of 1960
28.4 The World of the Superpowers
29.1 Civil Rights Patterns of Protest and Unrest
30.1 The War in Vietnam
30.2 Election of 1968
31.1 Oil and Conflict in the Middle East, 1948–1988
31.2 Election of 1980
31.3 Central American Conflicts, 1974–1990
31.4 War with Iraq, Operation Desert Storm
31.5 Election of 1992
32.1 Election 2000
32.2 The War on Terrorism: Afghanistan and Iraq
32.3 Environmental Stresses on the Gulf of Mexico
A map of the United States appears on the inside front cover, while a world map appears on the inside back cover.
List ofMAPS
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| L I S T O F C O N N E C T H I S T O R Y P R I M A R Y S O U R C E D O C U M E N T S | xxiii
The following primary source documents, carefully selected by the authors to coordinate with this program, are available in Connect History at http://connect.mheducation.com. Documents include an explanatory headnote and are followed by discussion questions.
Choose from many of these documents—or hundreds of others—to customize your print text by visiting McGraw-Hill’s Create at www.mcgrawhillcreate.com.
Chapter 17
33. An Anguished Ex-Slave Writes the Wife He’d Thought Long Dead
34. The Mississippi Plan in Action
Chapter 18
35. Chief Joseph Speaks
36. Frederick Jackson Turner’s New Frontier
37. Henry Grady’s “New South”
Chapter 19
38. The Sherman Anti-Trust Act
39. “The Story of a Sweat Shop Girl”
Chapter 20
40. George Washington Plunkitt Defends “Honest Graft”
41. The Chinese Exclusion Act
Chapter 21
42. Booker T. Washington’s “Atlanta Compromise”
43. George Hoar’s Case Against Imperialism
Chapter 22
44. Alice Paul Suffers for Suffrage
45. John Muir’s First Summer in the Sierras
Chapter 23
46. Theodore Roosevelt’s Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine
47. Woodrow Wilson’s 14 Points Speech
Chapter 24
48. A Mexican Laborer Sings of the Sorrows of the New Era
49. Calvin Coolidge on the Business of America
Chapter 25
50. Franklin Roosevelt’s First Inaugural Address
51. Mary McLeod Bethune Touts a “Century of Progress” for African-American Women
Chapter 26
52. Einstein Letter to Franklin D. Roosevelt
53. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Four Freedom’s Speech
54. D-Day Survivors
Chapter 27
55. Truman Doctrine Speech (excerpt)
56. Richard Gerstell on Nuclear Civil Defense
57. Speech of Joseph McCarthy, Wheeling, West Virginia, February 9, 1950
Chapter 28
58. John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address
59. A Young Boy Remembers the Nuclear Threat
60. 1963 Nuclear Test Ban Treaty
Chapter 29
61. Letter from Jackie Robinson
62. Anne Moody, Coming of Age in Mississippi
63. The Beats
Chapter 30
64. John F. Kennedy: American Opinion on the War 1963
65. Gulf of Tonkin Resolution
66. Richard Nixon’s Silent Majority Speech
Chapter 31
67. Excerpt from Plan B Committee on the Present Danger (CPD)
68. Soviet Deputy Chief describes the Soviets National Security Fears
69. Ronald Regan and the Evil Empire Speech
Chapter 32
70. A Korean Growing Up in America from the Age of Three
71. Barack Obama Keynote Address to the Democratic National Convention, July 2004
72. The Tea Party
List ofCONNECT HISTORY PRIMARY SOURCE DOCUMENTS
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Reviewers of U.S.: A Narrative History Mary Adams, City College of San Francisco
Chris Bell, Edmonds Community College
James Blain, McNeese State University
Roger Bowerman, Glendale Community College
Jeffrey Brown, New Mexico State University
Ann Chirhart, Indiana State University
Bradley Clampitt, East Central University
Patty Colman, Moorpark College
Michael Colomaio, Alfred State University
Clarissa Confer, California University of Pennsylvania
Cara Converse, Moorpark College
William Cooley, Walsh University
Aaron Cowen, Slippery Rock University
David Cullen, Collins College, Plano
David Dalton, College of the Ozarks
Brandon Franke, Blinn College
Christos Frentzos, Austin Peay State University
Tabetha Garman, North East State University
George Gastil, Grossmont College
Frank Gilbert, Southeastern Oklahoma State
University
Jim Good, Lone Star College, North Harris
Patricia Gower, University of the Incarnate Word
Charles Grear, Prairie View A&M
Devethia Guillory, Prairie View A&M
Debbie Hargis, Odessa College
Tom Heiting, Odessa College
Jennifer Helgren, University of the Pacific
Jay Hester, Sierra College
Justin Horton, Thomas Nelson Community College
Carol Keller, San Antonio College
Dennis Kortheuer, California State University, Long
Beach
Pat Ledbetter, Texas College
Mary Lewis, Jacksonville College
Tammi Littrel, Chadron State College
Philbert Martin, San Jacinto College, South
Bob McConaughy, Austin Community College
James Mills, University of Texas, Brownsville
Russell Mitchell, Tarrant County College, Southeast
Michael Namorato, University of Mississippi
Bret Nelson, San Jacinto College, North
Alison Ollinger-Riefstahl, Mercyhurst Northeast College
Stephen Patnodes, Farmingdale State University
Edward Richey, University of North Texas
Joaquin Riveya-Martinez, Texas State University, San Marcos
Stephen Rockenbach, Virginia State University
Norman Rodriguez, John Wood Community College
Todd Romero, University of Houston
Michele Rotunda, Rutgers University, Newark
Steven Short, Collin College
Richard Sorrel, Brookdale Community College
Maureen Melvin Sowa, Bristol Community College
Jodi Steeley, Merced Community College
Rita Thomas, Northern Kentucky University
Richard Trimble, Ocean County College
Ruth Truss, University of Montevallo
Salli Vargis, Georgia Perimeter College
William Wantland, Mount Vernon Nazarene University
Chad Wooley, Tarrant County College
We would like to express our deep appreciation to the following individuals who contributed to the development of our U.S. history programs:
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Digiposium Attendees
Shelly Bailess, Liberty University
Patrice Carter, Wharton County Junior College
Tonia Compton, Columbia College of Missouri
Yvonne Davis Frear, San Jacinto College
Jane England, North Central Texas College
Traci Hodgson, Chemeketa Community College
Joy Ingram, Pellissippi State Community College
Alan Lehmann, Blinn College
Sandy Norman, Florida Atlantic University
Andrea Oliver, Tallahassee Community College
Richard Verrone, Texas Tech University
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xxvi | A B O U T T H E A U T H O R S |
About the Authors James West Davidson received his Ph.D. from Yale University. A historian who has pursued a full-time writing career, he is the author of numerous books, among them After the Fact: The Art of Historical Detection (with Mark H. Lytle), The Logic of Millennial Thought: Eighteenth-Century New England, and Great Heart: The History of a Labrador Adventure (with John Rugge). He is co-editor with Michael Stoff of the Oxford New Narratives in American History, in which his own most recent book appears: ‘They Say’: Ida B. Wells and the Reconstruction of Race.
Brian DeLay received his Ph.D. from Harvard and is an Associate Professor of History at the University of California, Berkeley. He is a frequent guest speaker at teacher workshops across the country and has won several prizes for his book War of a Thousand Deserts: Indian Raids and the U.S.-Mexican War.
Christ ine Leigh Heyrman is the Robert W. and Shirley P. Grimble Professor of American History at the University of Delaware. She received a Ph.D. in American Studies from Yale University and is the author of Commerce and Culture: The Maritime Communities of Colonial Massachusetts, 1690–1750. Her book Southern Cross: The Beginnings of the Bible Belt was awarded the Bancroft Prize. She is currently writing a book about evangelical views of Islam in the early nineteenth century.
Mark H. Lytle, a Ph.D. from Yale University, is Professor of History and Chair of the Environmental Studies Program at Bard College. He has served two years as Mary Ball Washington Professor of American History at University College, Dublin, in Ireland. His publications include The Origins of the Iranian-American Alliance, 1941–1953, After the Fact: The Art of Historical Detection (with James West Davidson), America’s Uncivil Wars: The Sixties Era from Elvis to the Fall of Richard Nixon, and most recently, The Gentle Subversive: Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, and the Rise of the Environmental Movement. He is also co-editor of a joint issue of the journals Diplomatic History and Environmental History dedicated to the field of environmental diplomacy.
Michael B. Stoff is Associate Professor of History and Director of the Plan II Honors Program at the University of Texas at Austin. The recipient of a Ph.D. from Yale University, he has been honored many times for his teaching, most recently with election to the Academy of Distinguished Teachers. He is the author of Oil, War, and American Security: The Search for a National Policy on Foreign Oil, 1941–1947, co-editor (with Jonathan Fanton and R. Hall Williams) of The Manhattan Project: A Documentary Introduction to the Atomic Age, and series co-editor (with James West Davidson) of the Oxford New Narratives in American History. He is currently working on a narrative of the bombing of Nagasaki.
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U.S. A N A R R A T I V E H I S T O R Y
Seventh Edit ion
V O L U M E 2 : F R O M 1 8 6 5
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“Men stood speechless, hag- gard . . . gazing at the desolation,” reported one jour- nalist in Richmond at war’s end. Many residents must have felt that way, though newly freed African Americans were jubilant.
17 1865–1877
>> An American Story
a secret sale at davis bend
J oseph Davis had had enough. Well on in years and financially ruined by the war, he decided to sell his Mississippi plantations Hurricane and Brierfield to Benjamin Montgomery and his sons in November 1866. Such a sale was common enough after the war, but this trans- action was bound to attract attention, since Joseph Davis was the elder brother of Jefferson Davis. Indeed, before the war the ex–Confederate president had operated Brierfield as
his own plantation, even though his brother retained legal title to it. But the sale was unusual for another reason—so unusual that the parties involved agreed to keep it secret. The plantation’s new owners were black, and Mississippi law prohibited African Americans from owning land.
Reconstructing the Union
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Though a slave, Benjamin Mont- gomery had been the business man- ager of the two Davis plantations before the war. He had also oper- ated a store on Hurricane Plantation with his own line of credit in New Orleans. In 1863 Montgomery fled to the North, but when the war was over, he returned to Davis Bend, where the federal government had confiscated the Davis plantations and was leasing plots of the land to black farmers. Montgomery quickly emerged as the leader of the African American community at the Bend.
Then, in 1866, President Andrew Johnson pardoned Joseph Davis and restored his lands. Davis was now over 80 years old and lacked the will and stamina to rebuild, yet unlike many ex-slaveholders, he felt bound by obligations to his former slaves. Convinced that with encouragement African Americans could succeed in freedom, he sold his land secretly to Benjamin Montgomery. Only when the law prohibiting African Ameri- cans from owning land was over- turned in 1867 did Davis publicly confirm the sale to his former slave.
For his part, Montgomery under- took to create a model society at Davis Bend based on mutual cooperation. He rented land to black farmers, hired
others to work his own fields, sold supplies on credit, and ginned and marketed the crops. The work was hard indeed: Davis Bend’s farmers faced the destruction caused by the war, several disastrous floods, insects, droughts, and declining cotton prices. Yet before long, cotton production exceeded that of the prewar years. The Montgomerys even- tually acquired 5,500 acres, which made them reputedly the third-largest planters in the state, and they won national and international awards for the quality of their cotton. Their success demon- strated what African Americans, given a fair chance, might accomplish.
The experiences of Benjamin Montgomery were not those of most black southerners, who did not own land or have a powerful white benefactor. Yet all African Ameri- cans shared Montgomery’s dream of economic independence. As one black veteran noted: “Every colored man will be a slave, and feel him- self a slave until he can raise him own bale of cotton and put him own mark upon it and say this is mine!” Blacks could not gain effective free- dom simply through a proclamation
of emancipation. They needed eco- nomic power, including their own land that no one could unfairly take away. And political power too, if the legacy of slavery was to be overturned.
How would the Republic be re- united, now that slavery had been abolished? War, in its blunt way, had roughed out the contours of a solution, but only in broad terms. The North, with its industrial might, would be the driving force in the nation’s econ- omy and retain the dominant political voice. But would African Americans receive effective power? How would North and South readjust their eco- nomic and political relations? These questions lay at the heart of the prob-
lem of Reconstruction. <<
What ’s to CCoomme 334 Presidential Reconstruction
337 Congressional Reconstruction
339 Reconstruction in the South
340 Black Aspirations
343 The Abandonment of Reconstruction
̂̂ African American soldiers greeting loved ones after being mustered out of the army in Arkansas. The war’s end brought both joy and uncertainty about what was to come.
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political power to the hard- core Unionists. Lincoln vetoed this approach, but as the war drew to a close, he appeared ready to make concessions to the Radicals, such as plac- ing the defeated South tem- porarily under military rule. Then Booth’s bullet found its mark, and Lincoln’s final approach to Reconstruction would never be known.
Reconstruction under Andrew Johnson >> In the wake of defeat, the immediate reaction among white southerners was one of shock, despair, and hopeless- ness. Some former Confeder- ates were openly antagonistic. A North Carolina innkeeper remarked bitterly that Yankees had stolen his slaves, burned his house, and killed all his sons, leaving him only one privilege: “To hate ’em. I got up at half-past four in the morning, and sit up till twelve at night, to hate ’em.” Most Confed- erate soldiers were less defiant, having had their fill of war. Even among hostile civilians the feeling was wide- spread that the South must accept northern terms. A South Carolina paper admitted that “the conqueror has the right to make the terms, and we must submit.”
This psychological moment was critical. To prevent a resurgence of resistance, the president needed to lay out in unmistakable terms what white southerners had to do to regain their old status in the Union. Per- haps even a clear and firm policy would not have been enough. But with Lincoln’s death, the executive power came to rest in far less capable hands.
Andrew Johnson, the new president, had been born in North Carolina and eventually moved to Tennes- see, where he worked as a tailor. Barely able to read and write when he married, he rose to political power by portraying himself as the champion of the people against the wealthy planter class. “Some day I will
>> The mood of white southern- ers at the end of the war was mixed. Many, like the veteran caricatured here by northern car- toonist Thomas Nast, remained hostile. Others, like Texas captain Samuel Foster, came to believe that the institution of slavery “had been abused, and perhaps for that abuse this terrible war . . . was brought upon us as a punishment.”
PRESIDENTIAL RECONSTRUCTION
Throughout the war Abraham Lincoln had considered Reconstruction his responsibility. Elected with less than 40 percent of the popular vote in 1860, he was acutely aware that once the states of the Confederacy were restored to the Union, the Republicans would be weakened unless they ceased to be a sectional party. By a generous peace, Lincoln hoped to attract for- mer Whigs in the South, who supported many of the Republicans’ economic policies, and build up a south- ern wing of the party.
Lincoln’s 10 Percent Plan >> Lincoln outlined his program in a Proclamation of Amnesty and Recon-
struction, issued in Decem- ber 1863. When a minimum of 10 percent of the quali- fied voters from 1860 took a loyalty oath to the Union, they could organize a state government. The new state constitution had to abolish
slavery and provide for black education, but Lincoln did not insist that high-ranking Confederate leaders be barred from public life.
Lincoln indicated that he would be generous in granting pardons to Confederate leaders and did not rule out compensation for slave property. Moreover, while he privately advocated limited black suffrage in the disloyal southern states, he did not demand social or political equality for black Americans. In Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee he recognized pro-Union governments that allowed only white men to vote.
The Radical Republicans found Lincoln’s approach much too lenient. Strongly antislavery, Radical mem- bers of Congress had led the struggle to make emanci- pation a war aim. Now they led the fight to guarantee the rights of former slaves, or freedpeople. The Radi- cals believed that it was the duty of Congress, not the president, to set the terms under which states would regain their rights in the Union. Though the Radicals often disagreed on other matters, they were united in a determination to readmit southern states only after slavery had been ended, black rights protected, and the power of the planter class destroyed.
Under the direction of Senator Benjamin Wade of Ohio and Representative Henry Winter Davis of Mary- land, Congress formulated a much stricter plan of Reconstruction. The Wade-Davis bill required half the white adult males to take an oath of allegiance before drafting a new state constitution, and it restricted
amnesty general pardon granted by a government, usually for political crimes.
loyalty oath oath of fidelity to the state or to an organization.
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show the stuck-up aristocrats who is running the country,” he vowed as he began his political career. Although he accepted emancipation as one conse- quence of the war, Johnson lacked any concern for the welfare of African Americans. “Damn the negroes,” he said during the war, “I am fighting these traitorous aristocrats, their masters.” After serving in Congress and as military governor of Tennessee following its occupation by Union forces, Johnson, a Democrat, was tapped by Lincoln in 1864 as his running mate on the rechristened “Union” ticket.
The Radicals expected Johnson to uphold their views on Reconstruction, and on assuming the presi- dency he spoke of prosecuting Confederate leaders and breaking up planters’ estates. Unlike most Republicans, however, Johnson strongly supported states’ rights, and his political shortcomings sparked conflicts almost immediately. Scarred by his humble origins, he became tactless and inflexible when challenged or criticized, alienating even those who sought to work with him.
Johnson moved to return the southern states to the Union quickly. He prescribed a loyalty oath that most white southerners would have to take to regain their civil and political rights and to have their property, except for slaves, restored. High Confederate officials and those with property worth over $20,000 had to apply for individual pardons. Once a state drafted a new constitution and elected state officers and mem- bers of Congress, Johnson promised to revoke martial law and recognize the new state government. Suffrage was limited to white citizens who had taken the loyalty oath. This plan was similar to Lincoln’s, though more lenient. Only informally did Johnson stipulate that the
southern states were to renounce their ordinances of secession, repudiate the Confederate debt, and ratify the Thirteenth Amendment abolishing slavery, which had been passed by Congress in January 1865 and was in the process of being ratified by the states. (It became part of the Constitution in December.)
The Failure of Johnson’s Program >> The southern delegates who met to construct new govern- ments were in no mood to follow Johnson’s recom- mendations. Several states merely repealed instead of repudiating their ordinances of secession, rejected the Thirteenth Amendment, or refused to repudiate the Confederate debt.
Nor did the new governments allow African Amer- icans any political rights or provide in any effective way for black education. In addition, each state passed a series of laws, often modeled on its old slave code, that applied only to African Americans. These “ black codes ” did give African Americans some rights that had not been granted to slaves. They legalized mar- riages from slavery and allowed black southerners to hold and sell property and to sue and be sued in state courts. Yet their primary intent was to keep African Americans as propertyless agricultural laborers with inferior legal rights. The new freedpeople could not serve on juries, testify against whites, or work as they
pleased. Mississippi prohib- ited them from buying or renting farmland, and most states ominously provided that black people who were vagrants could be arrested and hired out to landown- ers. Many northerners were incensed by the restrictive black codes, which violated their conception of freedom.
Southern voters under Johnson’s plan also defiantly elected prominent Confed- erate military and politi- cal leaders to office. At this point, Johnson could have called for new elections or admitted that a different program of Reconstruction was needed. Instead, he caved in. For all his harsh rhetoric, he shrank from the prospect
̂̂ Andrew Johnson was a staunch Unionist, but his contentious personality and inflexibility masked a deep-seated insecurity, which was rooted in his humble background. As a young man, he worked and lived in this rude tailor shop in Greeneville, Tennessee.
black codes laws passed by southern states in 1865 and 1866, modeled on the slave codes in effect before the Civil War. The codes did grant African Americans some rights not enjoyed by slaves, but their primary purpose was to keep African Americans as propertyless agricultural laborers.
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clothing, and medical care to war refugees (including white southerners) and took charge of settling freed- people on abandoned lands. The new bill gave the bureau the added responsibilities of supervising special courts to resolve disputes involving freedpeople and establishing schools for black southerners. Although this bill passed with virtually unanimous Republican support, Johnson vetoed it.
Johnson also vetoed a civil rights bill designed to overturn the more flagrant provisions of the black codes. The law made African Americans citizens of the United States and granted them the right to own property, make contracts, and have access to courts as parties and witnesses. (The law did not go so far as to grant freedpeople the right to vote.) For most Republicans Johnson’s action was the last straw, and in April 1866 Congress overrode his veto. Congress then approved a slightly revised Freedmen’s Bureau bill in July and promptly overrode the president’s veto. Johnson’s refusal to compromise drove the moderates into the arms of the Radicals.
The Fourteenth Amendment >> To prevent unrepentant Confederates from taking over the recon- structed state governments and denying African Americans basic freedoms, the Joint Committee on Reconstruction proposed an amendment to the Con- stitution, which passed both houses of Congress with the necessary two-thirds vote in June 1866.
The amendment guaranteed repayment of the national war debt and prohibited repayment of the Confederate debt. To counteract the president’s wholesale pardons, it disqualified prominent Confed- erates from holding office. Because moderates balked at giving the vote to African Americans, the amend-
ment merely gave Congress the right to reduce the representation of any state that did not
have impartial male suffrage. The practical effect of this provision, which Radicals labeled a “swindle,” was to allow north- ern states to retain white suffrage, since unlike southern states they had few African Americans in their populations and thus would not be penalized.
The amendment’s most impor- tant provision, Section 1, defined an American citizen as anyone born in the United States or naturalized, thereby automatically making African Ameri-
cans citizens. Section 1 also prohibited states from abridging “the privileges or
immunities” of citizens, depriving “any person of life, liberty, or property, without
due process of law,” or denying “any person . . . equal protection of the laws.” The framers of the amendment probably
of social upheaval, and as the lines of ex-Confederates waiting to see him lengthened, he began issuing spe- cial pardons almost as fast as they could be printed. Publicly Johnson put on a bold face, announcing that Reconstruction had been successfully completed. But many members of Congress were deeply alarmed, and the stage was set for a serious confrontation.
Johnson’s Break with Congress >> The new Congress was by no means of one mind. A small number of Democrats and a few conservative Repub- licans backed the president’s program of immediate and unconditional restoration. At the other end of the spectrum, a larger group of Radical Republicans, led by Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner, Benjamin Wade, and others, was bent on remaking southern society in the image of the North. Reconstruction must “revo- lutionize Southern institutions, habits, and manners,” insisted Representative Stevens, “or all our blood and treasure have been spent in vain.”
As a minority the Radicals needed the aid of the moderate Republicans, the largest bloc in Congress. Led by William Pitt Fessenden and Lyman Trumbull, the moderates had no desire to foster social revolu- tion or promote racial equality in the South. But they wanted to keep Confederate leaders from reassum- ing power, and they were convinced that the former slaves needed federal protection. Otherwise, Trumbull declared, the freedpeople would “be tyrannized over, abused, and virtually reenslaved.”
The central issue dividing Johnson and the Radi- cals was the place of African Americans in Ameri- can society. Johnson accused his opponents of seeking “to Africanize the southern half of our country,” while the Radicals championed civil and political rights for African Americans. The only way to maintain loyal governments and develop a republican party in the South, Radicals argued, was to give black men the ballot. Moderates agreed that the new southern govern- ments were too harsh toward African Americans, but they feared that too great an emphasis on black civil rights would alienate northern voters.
In December 1865, when southern representatives to Congress appeared in Washington, a majority in Congress voted to exclude them. Congress also appointed a joint committee, chaired by Senator Fessenden, to look into Reconstruction.
The growing split with the president became clearer when Congress passed a bill extending the life of the Freed- men’s Bureau. Created in March 1865, the bureau provided emergency food,
̂̂ Thaddeus Stevens, Radical leader in the House.
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Resorting to the tactic of “waving the bloody shirt , ” they appealed to voters by reviving bitter memo- ries of the war. In a clas- sic example of such rhetoric, Governor Oliver Morton of Indiana proclaimed that “every bounty jumper, every deserter, every sneak who ran away from the draft calls himself a Democrat. Every ‘Son of Liberty’ who con- spired to murder, burn, rob arsenals and release rebel prisoners calls himself a Democrat. In short, the Demo- cratic party may be described as a common sewer.”
Voters soundly repudiated Johnson, as the Repub- licans won more than a two-thirds majority in both houses of Congress. The Radicals had reached the height of their power, propelled by genuine alarm among northerners that Johnson’s policies would lose the fruits of the Union’s victory. Johnson was a presi- dent virtually without a party.
CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION
With a clear mandate in hand congressional Repub- licans passed their own program of Reconstruction, beginning with the first Reconstruction Act in March 1867. Like all later pieces of Reconstruction legislation, it was repassed over Johnson’s veto.
Placing the 10 unreconstructed states under mili- tary commanders, the act provided that in enrolling voters, officials were to include black adult males but not former Confederates, who were barred from hold- ing office under the Fourteenth Amendment. Delegates to the state conventions were to frame constitu- tions that provided for black suffrage and disqualified prominent ex-Confederates from office. The first state legislatures to meet under the new constitution were required to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment. Once these steps were completed and Congress approved the new state constitution, a state could send representa- tives to Congress.
White southerners found these requirements so insulting that officials took no steps to register voters. Congress then enacted a second Reconstruction Act,
✔ R E V I E W What were Lincoln’s and Andrew Johnson’s approaches to Reconstruction, and why did Congress reject Johnson’s approach?
intended to prohibit laws that applied to one race only, such as the black codes, or that made certain acts fel- onies when committed by black but not white people, or that decreed different penalties for the same crime when committed by white and black lawbreakers. The framers probably did not intend to prevent segrega- tion (the legal separation of the races) in schools and public places.
Johnson denounced the amendment and urged southern states not to ratify it. Ironically, of the seceded states only the president’s own state ratified the amendment, and Congress readmitted Tennessee with no further restrictions. The telegram sent to Con- gress by a longtime foe of Johnson officially announc- ing Tennessee’s approval ended: “Give my respects to the dead dog in the White House.”
The Election of 1866 >> When Congress blocked his policies, Johnson undertook a speaking tour of the East and Midwest in the fall of 1866 to drum up pop- ular support. But the president found it difficult to convince northern audiences that white southerners were fully repentant. Only months earlier white mobs in Memphis and New Orleans had attacked black resi- dents and killed nearly 100 in two major race riots. “The negroes now know, to their sorrow, that it is best not to arouse the fury of the white man,” boasted one Memphis newspaper. When the president encountered hostile audiences during his northern campaign, he made matters only worse by trading insults and pro- claiming that the Radicals were traitors.
Not to be outdone, the Radicals vilified Johnson as a traitor aiming to turn the country over to former rebels.
^̂ In 1866 white mobs in Memphis and New Orleans attacked African Americans in two major riots. Here rioters set fire to a schoolhouse used by freedpeople.
bloody shirt political cam- paign tactic of “waving the bloody shirt,” used by Republicans against Democrats; it invoked the deaths and casualties from the Civil War as a reason to vote for Republicans as the party of the Union, rather than the Democrats, who had often opposed the war.
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MAP 17.1 : THE SOUTHERN STATES DURING RECONSTRUCTION
TEXAS 1870 1873
INDIAN TERR.
KANSAS COLORADO
NEBRASKA
NEW MEXICO TERRITORY
M E X I C O
ARK. 1868 1874
LA. 1868 1877
MISS. 1870 1876
ALA. 1868 1874
1866 1869
KY.
FLA. 1868 1877
GA. 1870 1872
S.C. 1868 1877
N.C. 1868 1870
VA. 1870 1869
W. VA.
N.J. DEL.
MD.
MO.
IOWA ILL. IND.
OHIO
Former Confederate States
Military district boundaries
Date of readmission to the Union
Date of “redemption”
1870
1871
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The Land Issue >> While the political process of Reconstruction proceeded, Congress debated whether land should be given to former slaves to foster economic independence. At a meeting with Secretary of War Edwin Stanton near the end of the war, African Ameri- can leaders declared: “The way we can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and till it by our own labor.” The Second Confiscation Act of 1862 had authorized the government to seize and sell the property of supporters of the rebellion. In June 1866, however, President John- son ruled that confiscation laws applied only to wartime.
After more than a year of debate, Congress rejected all proposals to give land to former slaves. Given Amer- icans’ strong belief in self-reliance, little sympathy existed for the idea that government should support any group. In addition, land redistribution represented an attack on property rights, another cherished American value. “A division of rich men’s lands amongst the landless,” argued the Nation, a Radical journal, “would give a shock to our whole social and political system from which it would hardly recover without the loss of liberty.” By 1867 land reform was dead.
Impeachment >> Throughout 1867 Congress rou- tinely overrode Johnson’s vetoes, but the president undercut congressional Reconstruction in other ways. He interpreted the new laws narrowly and removed military commanders who vigorously enforced them. Congress responded by restricting his power to issue orders to military commanders in the South. It also passed the Tenure of Office Act, which forbade John- son to remove any member of the cabinet without the Senate’s consent. The intention of this law was to pre- vent him from firing Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, the only remaining Radical in the cabinet.
also in March, ordering the local military command- ers to put the machin- ery of Reconstruction into motion. Johnson’s efforts to limit the power of mili- tary commanders produced a third act, passed in July, that upheld their superi- ority in all matters. When the first election was held in Alabama to ratify the new state constitution, whites boycotted it in suf- ficient numbers to prevent a majority of voters from participating. Undaunted, Congress passed the fourth Reconstruction Act (March 1868), which required rat- ification of the constitu- tion by only a majority of those voting rather than those who were registered.
By June 1868 Congress had readmitted the repre- sentatives of seven states. Texas, Virginia, and Missis- sippi did not complete the process until 1869. Georgia finally followed in 1870.
Post-Emancipation Societies in the Americas >> With the exception of Haiti’s revolu- tion (1791–1804), the United States was the only soci- ety in the Americas in which the destruction of slavery was accomplished by violence. But the United States, uniquely among these societies, enfranchised for- mer slaves almost immediately after the emancipa- tion. Thus, in the United States, former masters and slaves battled for control of the state in ways that did not occur in other post-emancipation societies. In most of the Caribbean, property requirements for voting left the planters in political control. Jamaica, for example, with a population of 500,000 in the 1860s, had only 3,000 voters.
Moreover, in reaction to political efforts to mobi- lize disenfranchised black peasants, Jamaican planters dissolved the assembly and reverted to being a Crown colony governed from London. Of the sugar islands, all but Barbados adopted the same policy, thereby blocking the potential for any future black peasant democracy. Nor did any of these societies have the counterparts of the Radical Republicans, a group of outsiders with political power that promoted the fun- damental transformation of the post-emancipation South. These comparisons highlight the radicalism of Reconstruction in the United States, which alone saw an effort to forge an interracial democracy.
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clergy), and of the third who were farmers, nearly all owned land. In their political and social values, Afri- can American leaders were more conservative than the rural black population, and they showed little interest in land reform.
Black citizens were a majority of the voters only in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana. Thus in most of the South the Republican Party had to secure white votes to stay in power. Opponents scornfully labeled white southerners who allied with the Repub- lican Party scalawags , yet an estimated quarter of white southerners at one time voted Republican. They were primarily Union- ists from the upland counties and hill areas and largely yeoman farmers. Such voters were attracted by Republican promises to rebuild the South, restore prosperity, create public schools, and open isolated areas to the market with railroads.
The other group of white Republicans in the South were known as carpetbaggers . Originally from the North, they allegedly had arrived with all their worldly possessions stuffed in a carpetbag, ready to loot and plunder the defeated South. Some did, certainly, but northerners moved south for a variety of rea- sons. Though carpetbag- gers made up only a small percentage of Republican voters, they controlled almost a third of the offices in the South. More than half of all southern Republican governors and nearly half of Republican members of Congress were originally northerners.
The Republican Party in the South had difficulty maintaining unity. Scalawags were especially sus- ceptible to the race issue and social pressure. “Even my own kinspeople have turned the cold shoulder to me because I hold office under a Republican admin- istration,” testified a Mississippi white Republican. As black southerners pressed for greater recognition, white southerners increasingly defected to the Demo- crats. Carpetbaggers, in contrast, were less sensitive to race, although most felt that their black allies should be content with minor offices. The animosity between scalawags and carpetbaggers, which grew out of their rivalry for party honors, was particularly intense. Reforms under the New State Governments >> The new southern state con- stitutions enacted several significant reforms. They devised fairer systems of legislative representation and made many previously appointive offices elective. The Radical state governments also assumed some
When Johnson tried to dismiss Stanton in February 1868, the House of Representatives angrily approved articles of impeachment. The articles focused on the violation of the Tenure of Office Act, but the charge with the most substance was that Johnson had acted to systematically obstruct Reconstruction legislation. In the trial before the Senate, his lawyers argued that a president could be impeached only for an indictable crime, which Johnson clearly had not committed. The Radicals countered that impeachment applied to polit- ical offenses, not merely criminal acts. In May 1868 the Senate voted 35 to 19 to convict, one vote short of the two-thirds majority needed. The seven Republicans who joined the Democrats in voting for acquittal were uneasy about using impeachment as a political weapon.
RECONSTRUCTION IN THE SOUTH
As the power of the Radicals in Congress waned, the fate of Reconstruction increasingly hinged on devel- opments in the southern states themselves. Power in these states rested with the new Republican parties, representing a coalition of black and white southerners and transplanted northerners.
Black and White Republicans >> Once African Americans received the right to vote, black men constituted as much as 80 percent of the Repub- lican voters in the South. They steadfastly opposed the Democratic Party with its appeal to white supremacy. But during Reconstruction, African Americans never held office in proportion to their voting strength. No African American was ever elected governor. And only in South Carolina, where more than 60 percent of the population was black, did they control even one house of the legislature. Between 15 and 20 percent of the state officers and 6 percent of members of Congress (2 senators and 15 representatives) were black. Only in South Carolina did black officeholders approach their proportion of the population.
Those who held office came from the top levels of African American society. Among state and federal officeholders, perhaps 80 percent were literate, and over a quarter had been free before the war, both marks of distinction in the black community. Their occupations also set them apart: many were professionals (mostly
✔ R E V I E W What was Congress’s approach to Reconstruction, and why did it not include a provision for giving land to former slaves?
scalawags white southern- ers who supported the Republican Party.
carpetbaggers northern white Republicans who came to live in the South after the Civil War. Most were veterans of the Union army; many were teachers, Freedmen’s Bureau agents or investors in cotton plantations.
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BLACK ASPIRATIONS Emancipation came to slaves in different ways and at different times. Betty Jones’s grandmother was told about the Emancipation Proclamation by another slave while they were hoeing corn. Mary Anderson received the news from her master near the end of the war when Sherman’s army invaded North Carolina. Whatever the timing, freedom meant a host of precious blessings to people who had been in bondage all their lives.
Experiencing Freedom >> The first impulse was to think of freedom as a contrast to slavery. Emancipation immediately released slaves from the most oppressive aspects of bondage—the whippings, the breakup of families, the sexual exploitation. Free- dom also meant movement, the right to travel without a pass or white permission. Above all, freedom meant that African Americans’ labor would be for their own benefit. One Arkansas freedman, who earned his first dollar working on a railroad, recalled that when he was paid, “I felt like the richest man in the world.”
Freedom included finding a new place to work. Changing jobs was one concrete way to break the psy- chological ties of slavery. Even planters with reputations for kindness sometimes saw most of their former hands depart. The cook who left a South Carolina family, despite the offer of higher wages than her new job’s, explained: “I must go. If I stays here I’ll never know I’m free.”
Symbolically, freedom meant having a full name. African Americans now adopted last names, most commonly the name of the first master in the fam-
ily’s oral history as far back as it could be recalled. Most, however, retained their first name, espe- cially if the name had been given to them by their parents (as most often had been the case). What- ever the name, black Americans insisted on making the decision themselves.
The Black Family >> African Americans also sought to strengthen the family in free- dom. Since slave marriages had not been recognized as legal, thou- sands of former slaves insisted on
responsibility for social welfare and established the first statewide systems of public schools in the South.
All the new constitutions proclaimed the principle of equality and granted black adult males the right to vote. On social relations they were much more cautious. No state outlawed segregation, and South Carolina and Louisiana were the only ones that required integration in public schools (a mandate that was almost univer- sally ignored). Sensitive to status, mulattoes pushed for prohibition of social discrimination, but white Repub- licans refused to adopt such a radical policy.
Economic Issues and Corruption >> With the southern economy in ruins at the end of the war, prob- lems of economic reconstruction were severe. The new Republican governments encouraged industrial devel- opment by providing subsidies, loans, and even tem- porary exemptions from taxes. These governments also largely rebuilt the southern railroad system, offering lavish aid to railroad corporations. In the two decades after 1860, the region doubled its manufacturing estab- lishments, yet the South steadily slipped further behind the booming industrial economy of the North.
The expansion of government services offered temptations for corruption. Southern officials regularly received bribes and kickbacks for awarding railroad charters, franchises, and other contracts. The railroad grants and new social services such as schools also left state governments in debt, even though taxes rose in the 1870s to four times the rate in 1860.
Corruption, however, was not only a south- ern problem but a national one. During these years, the Democratic Tweed Ring in New York City alone stole more money than all the southern Radical gov- ernments combined. Moreover, corruption was hardly limited to southern Republicans: many Democrats and white business leaders participated. Louisiana governor Henry Warmoth, a carpetbagger, told a congressio- nal committee: “Everybody is demoralizing down here. Corruption is the fashion.”
Corruption in Radical govern- ments existed, but southern Dem- ocrats exaggerated its extent for partisan purposes. They opposed honest Radical regimes just as bit- terly as notoriously corrupt ones. In the eyes of most white south- erners, the real crime of the Radi- cal governments was that they allowed black citizens to hold some offices and tried to protect the civil rights of black Americans. Race was white conservatives’ greatest weapon. And it would prove the most effective means to undermine Republican power in the South.
̂̂ During the decades before the Civil War, many slave families were split when individual slaves were sold to new masters. This Tennessee news- paper advertisement shows one way that freed- people sought to deal with the consequences.
✔ R E V I E W What roles did African Americans, southern whites, and northern whites play in the Reconstruction governments of the South?
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| BLACK ASPIRATIONS | 341
sent south by northern missionary societies. “I feel that it is a precious privilege,” Esther Douglass wrote, “to be allowed to do something for these poor people.” Many saw themselves as peacetime soldiers, strug- gling to make emancipation a reality. Indeed, hostile white southerners sometimes destroyed black schools and threatened and even murdered white teachers. Then there were the everyday challenges: low pay, run-down buildings, few books, classes of 100 or more children. By 1869 most teachers in these Freedmen’s Bureau schools were black, trained by the bureau.
Most slaves had attended white churches or services supervised by whites. Once free, African Americans quickly established their own congregations led by black preachers. Mostly Methodist and Baptist, black churches were the only major organizations in the African American community controlled by blacks themselves. A white missionary reported that “the Ebony preacher who promises perfect independence from White control and direction carried the col- ored heart at once.” Just as in slavery, religion offered African Americans a place of refuge in a hostile white world and provided them with hope, comfort, and a means of self-identification.
New Working Conditions >> As a largely propertyless class, blacks in the postwar South had no choice but to work for white landowners. Except for
being married again by proper authorities, even though this was not required by law. Those who had been forcibly separated in slavery and later remarried confronted the dilemma of which spouse to take. Laura Spicer, whose husband had been sold away in slavery, wrote him after the war seek- ing to resume their marriage. In a series of wrenching letters, he explained that he had thought her dead, had remarried, and had a new family. “You know it never was our wishes to be separated from each other, and it never was our fault. I had rather anything to had happened to me most than ever have been parted from you and the children,” he wrote. “As I am, I do not know which I love best, you or Anna.” Declining to return, he closed, “Laura, truly, I have got another wife, and I am very sorry.”
As in white families, black husbands deemed themselves the head of the fam- ily and acted legally for their wives. They often insisted that their wives would not work in the fields as they had in slav- ery. “The [black] women say they never mean to do any more outdoor work,” one planter reported, “that white men sup- port their wives and they mean that their husbands shall support them.” In negotiating contracts, a father also demanded the right to control his children and their labor. All these changes were designed to insulate the black family from white control.
The Schoolhouse and the Church >> In free- dom, the schoolhouse and the black church became essential institutions in the black community. “My Lord, Ma’am, what a great thing learning is!” a South Carolina freedman told a northern teacher. “White folks can do what they likes, for they know so much more than we.” At first, northern churches and missionar- ies, working with the Freedmen’s Bureau, set up black schools in the South. Tuition at these schools repre- sented 10 percent or more of a laborer’s monthly wages, yet these schools were full. Eventually, states estab- lished public school systems, which by 1867 enrolled 40 percent of African American children.
Black adults, who often attended night classes, had good reasons for seeking literacy. They wanted to be able to read the Bible, to defend their newly gained civil and political rights, and to protect them- selves from being cheated. Both races saw that edu- cation would undermine the servility that slavery had fostered.
The teachers in the Freedmen’s Bureau schools were primarily northern middle-class white women
̂̂ After living for years in a society in which teaching slaves to read and write was usually illegal, freedpeople viewed literacy as a key to securing their newfound free- dom. Blacks were not merely “anxious to learn,” a school official in Virginia reported, they were “crazy to learn.”
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freedom than being a wage laborer. “I am not work- ing for wages,” one black farmer declared in defend- ing his right to leave the plantation at will, “but am part owner of the crop and as [such,] I have all the rights that you or any other man has.” Although black per-capita agricultural income increased 40 percent in freedom, sharecropping was a harshly exploit- ative system in which black families often sank into perpetual debt.
The task of supervising the transition from slav- ery to freedom on southern plantations fell to the Freedmen’s Bureau, a unique experiment in social policy supported by the federal government. Assigned the task of protecting freedpeople’s economic rights, approximately 550 local agents regulated working conditions in southern agriculture after the war. The racial attitudes of Bureau agents varied widely, as did their commitment and competence.
Most agents required written contracts between white planters and black laborers, specifying wages
paying wages, whites wanted to retain the old sys- tem of labor, including close supervision, gang labor, and physical punishment. Determined to remove all emblems of servitude, African Americans refused to work under these conditions, and they demanded time off to devote to their own interests. Because of shorter hours and the withdrawal of children and women from the fields, blacks’ output declined by an estimated 35 percent in freedom. They also refused to live in the old slave quarters located near the master’s house and instead erected cabins on distant parts of the plan- tation. Wages initially were $5 or $6 a month plus provisions and a cabin; by 1867, they had risen to an average of $10 a month.
These changes eventually led to the rise of share- cropping. Under this arrangement African American families farmed discrete plots of land and then at the end of the year divided the crop, normally on an equal basis, with the white landowner. Sharecrop- ping had higher status and offered greater personal
MAP 17.2 : GEORGIA PLANTATION AFTER THE WAR After emancipation, sharecropping became the dominant form of agricultural labor in the South. Black families no longer lived in the old slave quarters but dispersed to separate plots of land that they farmed themselves. At the end of the year, each sharecropper turned over part of the crop to the white landowner. What accounts for the difference between where slave families lived before the war and where the families of freedpeople lived by 1881?
Slave quarters
Houses of former Barrow slaves
Houses of other tenant farmers
Other buildings
Wright’s Branch
Branch Creek
Little Riv er
Little Riv er Gin House
Master’s House
Slave Quarters
ROAD ROAD
Sabrina Dalton
?
Lizzie Dalton
Frank Maxey
Joe Bug
Jim Reid Nancy Pope
Cane PopeGub Barrow
Lem Bryant Willis Bryant
Tom Wright Granny
Lewis Watson Reuben Barrow
Ben Thomas Tom Thomas
Omy Barrow Peter Barrow
Milly Barrow Handy Barrow Old Isaac
Calvin ParkerTom Tang
Beckton Barrow
Lem Douglas
Landlord’s House
Church School
Gin House
W
righ t’s Branch
Branch Cre
ek
1860 1881
S y ll
’s F or
k
S y ll
’s F or
k
S.C.
Oglethorpe County
GA. ALA.
FLA.
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| THE ABANDONMENT OF RECONSTRUCTION | 343
THE ABANDONMENT OF RECONSTRUCTION
On Christmas Day 1875 a white acquaintance approached Charles Caldwell in Clinton, Missis- sippi, and invited him to have a drink. A former slave, Caldwell was a state senator and the leader of the Republican Party in Hinds County. But the black leader’s fearlessness made him a marked man. Only two months earlier, Caldwell had fled the county to escape an armed white mob. Despite threats against him, he had returned home to vote in the November state election. Now, as Caldwell and his “friend” raised their glasses in a holiday toast, a gunshot exploded through the window and Caldwell collapsed, mortally wounded. He was taken outside, where his assassins riddled his body with bullets. He died alone in the street.
Charles Caldwell shared the fate of a number of black Republican leaders in the South during Reconstruction. Resorting to violence and terror, white southerners challenged the commitment of the federal government to sustaining Reconstruction. After Andrew Johnson was acquitted in May 1868 at his impeachment trial, the crusading idealism of the Republican Party began to wane. Ulysses S. Grant was hardly the cause of this change, but he certainly came to symbolize it.
The Grant Administration >> In 1868 Grant was elected president—and Republicans were shocked. Their candidate, a great war hero, had won by a margin of only 300,000 votes. Furthermore, with an estimated 450,000 black Republican votes cast in the South, a majority of whites had voted Democratic. The election helped convince Republican leaders that an amendment securing black suffrage throughout the nation was necessary.
and the conditions of employment. Although agents sometimes intervened to protect freedpeople from unfair treatment, they also provided important help to planters. They insisted that black laborers not leave at harvesttime, they arrested those who violated their contracts or refused to sign new ones at the beginning of the year, and they preached the need to be orderly and respectful. Because of such attitudes, freedpeo- ple increasingly complained that Bureau agents were mere tools of the planter class. One observer reported: “Doing justice seems to mean seeing that the blacks don’t break contracts and compelling them to submit cheerfully.”
The primary means of enforcing working conditions were the Freedmen’s Courts, which Congress created in 1866 in order to avoid the discrimination African Americans received in state courts. These new courts functioned as military tribunals, and often the agent was the entire court. The sympathy black laborers received varied from state to state. But since Congress was opposed to creating any permanent welfare agency, it shut down the Freedmen’s Bureau, and by 1872 it had gone out of business. Despite its mixed record, it was the most effective agency in protecting blacks’ civil and political rights. Its disbanding signaled the beginning of the northern retreat from Reconstruction.
Planters and a New Way of Life >> Plant- ers and other white southerners faced emancipation with dread. “All the traditions and habits of both races had been suddenly overthrown,” a Tennessee planter recalled, “and neither knew just what to do, or how to accommodate themselves to the new situation.” Slav- ery had been a complex institution that welded black and white southerners together in intimate relation- ships. The old ideal of a paternalistic planter, which required blacks to act subservient and grateful, gave way to an emphasis on strictly economic relationships. Only with time did planters develop new norms to judge black behavior.
After the war, however, planters increasingly embraced the ideology of segregation. Since emancipa- tion significantly reduced the social distance between the races, white southerners sought psychological sep- aration and kept dealings with African Americans to a minimum. By the time Reconstruction ended, white planters had developed a new way of life based on the institutions of sharecropping and segregation, and undergirded by a militant white supremacy.
While most planters kept their land, they did not regain the economic prosperity of the prewar years. Cotton prices began a long decline, and southern per-capita income suf- fered as a result. By 1880 the value of south- ern farms had slid 33 percent below the level of 1860.
✔ R E V I E W In what ways were the church and the school central to African American hopes after the Civil War?
If the North won the war, how well did it win the peace?
Opinion
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disenfranchisement denial of a citizen’s right to vote.
and Susan B. Anthony, had pressed for first the Four- teenth and then the Fifteenth Amendment to recog- nize that women had a civic right to vote. But even most Radicals were unwilling to back women’s suffrage, contending that black rights had to be ensured first. As a result, the Fifteenth Amendment divided the femi- nist movement. Although disappointed that women were not included in its provisions, Lucy Stone and the American Woman Suffrage Association urged ratifi- cation. Stanton and Anthony, however, denounced the amendment and organized the National Woman Suf- frage Association to work for passage of a new amend- ment giving women the ballot. The division hampered the women’s rights movement for decades to come.
When Ulysses S. Grant was a general, his quiet manner and well-known resolution served him well. As president he proved much less certain of his goals
In February 1869 Congress sent the Fifteenth Amendment to the states for ratification. It forbade any state to deny the right to vote on grounds of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. It did not forbid literacy and property requirements, as some Radicals wanted, because the moderates feared that only a conservative version of the amendment could be ratified. As a result, when the amendment was ratified
in March 1870, loopholes remained that eventually allowed southern states to disenfranchise African Americans.
Advocates of women’s suffrage were bitterly dis- appointed when Congress refused to outlaw voting discrimination on the basis of sex as well as race. The Women’s Loyal League, led by Elizabeth Cady Stanton
̂̂ The Fifteenth Amendment, ratified in 1870, secured the right of African American males to vote as free citizens. In New York, black citizens paraded in support of Ulysses S. Grant for president ( center ). But citizenship was only one component of what African Americans insisted were central aspects of their freedom. What other features of a free life does the poster champion?
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As the agony of the war became more dis- tant, the Panic of 1873, which precipitated a severe four-year depression, diverted public attention to economic issues. Battered by the panic and the cor- ruption issue, the Republicans lost a shocking 77 seats in Congress in the 1874 elections, and along with them control of the House of Representatives for the first time since 1861.
“The truth is our people are tired out with the worn out cry of ‘Southern outrages’!!” one Republican concluded. “Hard times and heavy taxes make them wish the ‘ever lasting nigger’ were in hell or Africa.” More and more, Republicans spoke about cutting loose the unpopular southern governments.
and therefore less effective at corralling politicians than at maneuvering troops.
A series of scandals wracked his administration, so much so that “Grantism” soon became a code word in American politics for corruption, cronyism, and venality. Although Grant did not profit personally, he remained loyal to his friends and displayed little zeal to root out wrongdoing. Nor was Congress immune from the lowered tone of public life. In such a climate ruthless state machines, led by men who favored the status quo, came to dominate the party.
As corruption in both the North and the South worsened, reformers became more interested in clean- ing up government than in protecting black rights. Congress in 1872 passed an amnesty act, allow- ing many more ex-Confederates to serve in south- ern governments. That same year, liberal Republicans broke with the Republican Party and nominated for president Horace Greeley, the editor of the New York Tribune. A one-time Radical, Greeley had become disillusioned with Reconstruction and urged a resto- ration of home rule in the South as well as adoption of civil service reform. Democrats decided to back the Liberal Republican ticket. The Republicans renomi- nated Grant, who, despite the defection of a number of prominent Radicals, won an easy victory.
Growing Northern Disillusionment >> Dur- ing Grant’s second term Congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1875, the last major piece of Reconstruc- tion legislation. This law prohibited racial discrimina- tion in public accommodations, transportation, places of amusement, and juries. At the same time, Con- gress rejected a ban on segregation in public schools, which was almost universally practiced in the North as well as the South. The federal government made little attempt to enforce the law, however, and in 1883 the Supreme Court struck down its provisions, except the one relating to juries.
Despite passage of the Civil Rights Act, many northerners were growing disillusioned with Recon- struction. They were repelled by the corruption of the southern governments, they were tired of the vio- lence and disorder that accompanied elections in the South, and they had little faith in black Americans. William Dodge, a wealthy New York capitalist and an influential Republican, wrote in 1875 that the South could never develop its resources “till confidence in her state governments can be restored, and this will never be done by federal bayonets.” It had been a mistake, he went on, to make black southerners feel “that the United States government was their special friend, rather than those . . . among whom they must live and for whom they must work. We have tried this long enough,” he concluded. “Now let the South alone.”
̂̂ Grant swings from a trapeze while supporting a number of asso- ciates accused of corruption. Secretary of the Navy George M. Robeson ( top center ) was accused of accepting bribes for awarding Navy contracts; Secretary of War William W. Belknap ( top right ) was forced to resign for selling Indian post traderships; and the president’s private secretary, Orville Babcock ( bottom right ), was implicated in the Whiskey Ring scandal. Although not person- ally involved in the scandals, Grant was reluctant to dismiss from office supporters accused of wrongdoing.
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the night for a host of activities, including torchlight political parades and meetings of such organizations as the Union League. Part of the Klan’s mission was to recoup this contested ground and to limit the ability of African Americans to use the night as they pleased. When indirect threats of violence were not enough (galloping through black neighborhoods rattling fences with lances), beatings and executions were undertaken— again, facilitated by the dark of night.
What became known as the Mississippi Plan was inaugurated in 1875, when Democrats decided to use as much violence as necessary to carry the state elec- tion. Local papers trumpeted, “Carry the election peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must.” Recogniz- ing that northern public opinion had grown sick of repeated federal intervention in southern elections, the Grant administration rejected the request of Repub- lican governor Adelbert Ames for troops to stop the violence. Bolstered by terrorism, the Democrats swept the election in Mississippi. Violence and intimidation prevented as many as 60,000 black and white Repub- licans from voting, converting the normal Republican majority into a Democratic majority of 30,000. Missis- sippi had been “redeemed.”
The Disputed Election of 1876 >> The 1876 presidential election was crucial to the final overthrow of Reconstruction. The Republicans nominated Ohio gov- ernor Rutherford B. Hayes to oppose Samuel, governor New York. Once again violence prevented an estimated quarter of a million Republican votes from being cast in the South. Tilden had a clear majority of 250,000 in the popular vote, but the outcome in the Electoral College was in doubt because both parties claimed South Caro-
lina, Florida, and Louisiana, the only recon- structed states still in Republican hands.
To arbitrate the disputed returns, Con- gress established a 15-member electoral commission. By a straight party vote of 8 to 7, the commission awarded the disputed elec- toral votes—and the presidency—to Hayes.
When angry Democrats threatened a filibuster to prevent the electoral votes from being counted, key Republicans met with southern Democrats and reached an informal understanding, later known as the Compromise of 1877. Hayes’s supporters agreed to withdraw federal troops from the South and not oppose the new Democratic state governments. For their part, south- ern Democrats dropped their opposition to Hayes’s election and pledged to respect African Americans’ rights.
Without federal support, the last Republican southern governments col- lapsed, and Democrats took control of
The Triumph of White Supremacy >> Meanwhile, southern Democrats set out to overthrow the remaining Radical governments. Already, white Republicans in the South felt heavy pressure to des- ert their party. To poor white southerners who lacked social standing, the Democratic appeal to racial soli- darity offered special comfort. The large landowners and other wealthy groups that led southern Democrats objected less to black southerners voting, since they were confident that if outside influences were removed, they could control the black vote.
Democrats also resorted to economic pressure to undermine Republican power. In heavily black coun- ties, newspapers published the names of black resi- dents who cast Republican ballots and urged planters to discharge them. But terror and violence provided the most effective means to overthrow the radi- cal regimes. A number of paramilitary organizations broke up Republican meetings, terrorized white and black Republicans, assassinated Republican leaders, and prevented black citizens from voting. The most notorious of these organizations was the Ku Klux Klan, which along with similar groups functioned as an unofficial arm of the Democratic Party.
In the war for supremacy, contesting control of the night was paramount to both southern whites and blacks. Before emancipation masters regulated the nighttime hours, with a system of passes and patrols that chased slaves who went hunting or tried to sneak a visit to a family member at a neighboring plantation. For slaves the night provided precious free time: to read, to meet for worship, school, or dancing. During Reconstruction African Americans actively took back
Contesting the Night witness
—Ruth Watkins, Reconstruction in Marshall County (1912)
“The negro processions, sometimes a mile long, would parade through and around the town of Holly Springs. They wore red sashes and enormous red and blue badges. They would carry flaming torches, and transparen- cies . . . of different sizes, sometimes being from ten to twelve feet long. . . . Generally the homes of the [white] people were closed at the times of these processions, and not a white face was in sight anywhere.”
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Historian’s T O O L B O X
T he costumes of Ku Klux Klan night riders— pointed hoods and white sheets—have become a staple of history books. But why use such outlandish disguises? To hide the identity of members, according to some accounts, or to terrorize freedpeople into thinking they were being manaced by Confederate ghosts. Historian Elaine F. Parsons has suggested that KKK per- formances took their cues from American popular culture the costumes of Mardi Gras and similar carnivals, as well as minstrel shows. In behaving like carnival revelers, KKK members may have hoped
to fool northern authorities into view- ing the night rides as humorous pranks, not a threat to Radical rule. For southern white Democrats the theatrical night rides helped overturn the social order of Recon- struction, just as carousers at carnivals disrupted the night. The ritual garb pro- vided seemingly innocent cover for what was truly a campaign of terror and intimi- dation that often turned deadly.
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