More experience bigger brain rosenzweig

FORTY S T U D I E S THAT C H A N G E D P S Y C H O L O G Y

L

F O R T Y S T U D I E S T H A T C H A N G E D P S Y C H O L O G Y

Explorations into the History of Psychological Research

Sixth Edition

Roger R. Hock, Ph.D. Mendocino College

Pearson Education International

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P E A R S O N 10 9 8 7 6 5 4

I S B N - 1 3 : 17Ö-D-13 -S0M507 -7 I S B N - I D : G - 1 3 - 5 t m s a 7 - X

For Diane Perin Hock and Caroline Mei Perin Hock

CONTENTS

PREFACE xi

CHAPTER I BIOLOGY AND HUMAN BEHAVIOR 1

READING 1: ONE BRAIN OR TWO? 1 Gazzaniga, M. S. (1967). The split brain in man. Scientific American, 217(2), 24-29.

READING 2: MORE EXPERIENCE = BIGGER BRAIN 11 Rosenzweig, M. R., Bennett, E. L., & Diamond, M. C. (1972). Brain changes in response to experience. Scientific American, 226(2), 22-29.

READING 3: ARE Y O U A "NATURAL?" 19 Bouchard, T., Lykken, D., McGue, M., Segal, N., & Tellegen, A. (1990). Sources of human psychological differences: The Minnesota study of twins reared apart. Science, 250, 223-229.

READING 4: WATCH O U T FOR THE VISUAL CLIFF! 27 Gibson, E. J . , & Walk, R. D. (1960). The "visual cliff." Scientific American, 202(4), 67-71.

CHAPTER II PERCEPTION AND CONSCIOUSNESS 35

READING 5: TAKE A L O N G L O O K 36 Fantz, R. L. (1961). The origin of form perception. Scientific American, 204(May), 61-72.

READING 6: TO SLEEP, NO D O U B T TO DREAM . . . 42 Aserinsky, E., & Kleitman, N. (1953). Regularly occurring periods of eye mobility and concomitant phenomena during sleep. Science, 118, 273-274. Dement, W. (1960). The effect of dream deprivation. Science, 131, 1705-1707.

READING 7: UNROMANCING THE DREAM 49 Hobson, J. A., & McCarley, R. W. (1977). The brain as a dream-state generator: An activation-synthesis hypothesis of the dream process. American Journal of Psy- chiatry, 134, 1335-1348.

READING 8: ACTING AS IF Y O U ARE HYPNOTIZED 56 Spanos, N. R (1982). Hypnotic behavior: A cognitive, social, psychological per- spective. Research Communications in Psychology, Psychiatry, and Behavior, 7, 199-213.

vii

viii Contents

CHAPTER III LEARNING AND CONDITIONING 65

READING 9: IT'S NOT JUST ABOUT SALIVATING D O G S ! 65 Pavlov, I. P. (1927). Conditioned reflexes. London: Oxford University Press.

READING 10: LITTLE EMOTIONAL ALBERT 72 Watson, J. B., & Rayner, R. (1920). Conditioned emotional responses. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 3, 1-14.

READING 11: KNOCK W O O D ! 78 Skinner, B. F. (1948). Superstition in the pigeon. Journal of Experimental Psychol- ogy, 38, 168-172.

READING 12: SEE AGGRESSION . . . DO AGGRESSION! 85 Bandura, A., Ross, D., & Ross, S. A. (1961). Transmission of aggression through im- itation of aggressive models. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 63, 575-582.

CHAPTER IV INTELLIGENCE, COGNITION, AND MEMORY 93

READING 13: WHAT Y O U EXPECT IS WHAT Y O U GET 93 Rosenthal, R., & Jacobson, L. (1966). Teachers' expectancies: Determinates of pupils' IQ gains. Psychological Reports, 19, 115-118.

READING 14: JUST H O W ARE Y O U INTELLIGENT? 100 Gardner, H. (1983) Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences. New York: Basic Books.

READING 15: MAPS IN YOUR MIND 110 Tolman, E. C. (1948). Cognitive maps in rats and men. Psychological Review, 55, 189-208.

READING 16: THANKS FOR THE MEMORIES! 11 7 Loftus, E. F. (1975). Leading questions and the eyewitness report. Cognitive Psy- chology, 7, 560-572.

CHAPTER V HUMAN DEVELOPMENT 126

READING 17: D ISCOVERING LOVE 126 Harlow, H. F. (1958). The nature of love. American Psychologist, 13, 673-685.

READING 18: O U T OF SIGHT, BUT N O T O U T OF MIND 1 34 Piaget, J. (1954). The development of object concept. In J. Piaget, The construc- tion of reality in the child (pp. 3 -96) . New York: Basic Books.

READING 19: H O W MORAL ARE Y O U ? 143 Kohlberg, L. (1963). The development of children's orientations toward a moral order: Sequence in the development of moral thought. Vita Humana, 6, 11-33.

READING 20: IN C O N T R O L AND GLAD OF IT! 150 Langer, E. J . , & Rodin, J. (1976). The effects of choice and enhanced personal responsibility for the aged: A field experiment in an institutional setting. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 34, 191-198.

Contents ix

CHAPTER VI EMOTION AND MOTIVATION 158 READING 21: A SEXUAL MOTIVATION . . . 158

Masters, W. H., & Johnson, V. E. (1966). Human sexual response. Boston: Little, Brown.

READING 22:1 CAN SEE IT ALL OVER YOUR FACE! 1 68 Ekman, P., & Friesen, W. V. (1971). Constants across cultures in the face and emotion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 17, 124—129.

READING 23: LIFE, CHANGE, AND STRESS 1 75 Holmes, T. H., & Rahe, R. H. (1967). The Social Readjustment Rating Scale. Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 11,213-218.

READING 24: T H O U G H T S O U T OF TUNE 183 Festinger, L., & Carlsmith, J. M. (1959). Cognitive consequences of forced com- pliance. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 58, 203-210.

CHAPTER VII PERSONALITY 191 READING 25: ARE Y O U THE MASTER OF Y O U R FATE? 192

Rotter, J. B. (1966). Generalized expectancies for internal versus external control of reinforcement. Psychological Monographs, 80, 1-28.

READING 26: MASCULINE OR FEMININE . . . OR BOTH? 199 Bem, S. L. (1974). The measurement of psychological androgyny. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42, 155-162.

READING 27: RACING AGAINST YOUR HEART 210 Friedman, M., & Rosenman, R. H. (1959). Association of specific overt behavior pattern with blood and cardiovascular findings. Journal of the American Medical Association, 169, 1286-1296.

READING 28: THE ONE, THE MANY 217 Triandis, H., Bontempo, R., Villareal, M., Asai, M., & Lucca, N. (1988). Individualism and collectivism: Cross-cultural perspectives on self-ingroup relationships. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54, 323-338.

CHAPTER VIII PSYCHOPATHOLOGY 227

READING 29: WHO'S CRAZY HERE, ANYWAY? 227 Rosenhan, D. L. (1973). On being sane in insane places. Science, 179, 250-258.

READING 30: YOU'RE GETTING DEFENSIVE AGAIN! 235 Freud, A. (1946). The ego and the mechanisms of defense. New York: International Universities Press.

READING 31: LEARNING TO BE DEPRESSED 242 Seligman, M. E. P., & Maier, S. F. (1967). Failure to escape traumatic shock. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 74, 1-9.

x Contents

READING 32: C R O W D I N G INTO THE BEHAVIORAL SINK 249 Calhoun, J. B. (1962). Population density and social pathology. Scientific American, 206(3), 139-148.

CHAPTER IX PSYCHOTHERAPY 258

READING 33: C H O O S I N G Y O U R PSYCHOTHERAPIST 258 Smith, M. L., & Glass, G. V. (1977). Meta-analysis of psychotherapy outcome studies. American Psychologist, 32, 752-760.

READING 34: RELAXING Y O U R FEARS AWAY 264 Wolpe, J. (1961). The systematic desensitization treatment of neuroses. Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases, 132, 180-203.

READING 35: PROJECTIONS OF W H O Y O U ARE 271 Rorschach, H. (1942). Psychodiagnostics: A diagnostic test based on perception. New York: Grune & Stratton.

READING 36: PICTURE THIS! 278 Murray, H. A. (1938). Explorations in personality (pp. 531-545) . New York: Oxford University Press.

CHAPTER X SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY 286

READING 37: A PRISON BY ANY OTHER NAME . . . 287 Zimbardo, P. G. (1972). The pathology of imprisonment. Society, 9(6), 4-8. Haney, C, Banks, W. C, & Zimbardo, P. G. (1973). Interpersonal dynamics in a simulated prison. International Journal of Criminology & Penology, 1, 69-97.

READING 38: THE POWER OF CONFORMITY 295 Asch, S. E. (1955). Opinions and social pressure. Scientific American, 193(5), 31-35.

READING 39: TO HELP OR NOT TO HELP 300 Darley, J. M., & Latané, B. (1968). Bystander intervention in emergencies: Diffu- sion of responsibility. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 8, 377-383.

READING 40: OBEY AT ANY COST? 308 Milgram, S. (1963). Behavioral study of obedience. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 67, 371-378.

AUTHOR INDEX 318

SUBJECT INDEX 322

PREFACE

The publication of this sixth edition of Forty Studies marks the 18th anniversary of its original release. The majority of the studies included in this edition are the same ones that made up a large part of the first edition. This demonstrates

how these landmark studies continue to exert their influence over psychologi-

cal thought and research today. These original studies and the ones that have

been added over the past 18 years provide a fascinating glimpse into the birth

and growth of the science of psychology, and into the insights we have acquired

into the complexities of human nature.

Many studies of human behavior have made remarkable and lasting im-

pacts on the various disciplines that comprise the vast field of psychology.

The findings generated from these studies have changed our knowledge of

human behavior, and they have set the stage for coundess subsequent pro-

jects and research programs. Even when the results of some of these pivotal

studies have later been drawn into controversy and question, their effect and

influence in a historical context never diminish. They continue to be cited in

new articles; they continue to be the topic of academic discussion; they con-

tinue to form the foundation for hundreds of textbook chapters; and they

continue to hold a special place in the minds of psychologists.

The concept for this book originated from my many years of teaching

psychology. Psychology textbooks are based on key studies that have shaped

the science of psychology over its relatively brief history. Textbooks, however,

seldom give the original, core studies the attention they richly deserve. The

original research processes and findings often are summarized and diluted to

the point that little of the life and excitement of the discoveries remain.

Sometimes, research results are reported in ways that may even mislead the

reader about the study's real impact and influence about what we know and

how we know it. This is in no way a criticism of the textbook writers who work

under length constraints and must make many difficult choices about what

gets included and in how much detail. The situation is, however, unfortunate,

because the foundation of all of psychology is scientific research, and

through over a century of ingenious and elegant studies our knowledge and

understanding of human behavior have been expanded and refined to the

advanced level of sophistication that exists today.

This book is an attempt to fill the gap between the psychology text-

books and the research that made them possible. It is a journey through the

xi

xii Preface

headline history of psychology. My hope is that the way the 40 chosen studies

are presented will bring every one of them back to life so that you can experi-

ence them for yourself. This book is intended for anyone who wishes a

greater understanding of the true roots of psychology.

C H O O S I N G THE STUDIES

The studies included in this book have been carefully chosen from those

found in psychology texts and journals and from those suggested by leading

authorities in the many branches of psychology. As the studies were selected,

40 seemed to be a realistic number both from a historical point of view and in

terms of length. The studies chosen are arguably the most famous, the most

important, or the most influential in the history of psychology. I use the word

arguably because many who read this book may wish to dispute some of the

choices. One thing is sure: no single list of 40 studies would satisfy everyone.

However, the studies included here continue to be cited most frequently,

stirred up the most controversy when they were published, sparked the most

subsequent related research, opened new fields of psychological exploration,

or changed most dramatically our knowledge of human behavior. These stud-

ies are organized by chapter according to the major psychology branches into

which they best fit: Biology and Human Behavior; Perception and Conscious-

ness; Learning; Intelligence, Cognition, and Memory; Human Development;

Emotion and Motivation; Personality; Psychopathology; Psychotherapy; and

Social Psychology.

PRESENTING THE STUDIES

The original studies are not included in their entirety in this book. Instead, I

have discussed and summarized them in a consistent format throughout the

book to promote a clear understanding of the studies presented. Each read-

ing contains the following:

1. An exact, readily available reference for where the original study can be

found

2. A brief introduction summarizing the background in the field leading

up to the study and the reasons the researcher carried out the project

3. T h e theoretical propositions or hypotheses on which the research rests

4. A detailed account of the experimental design and methods used to

carry out the research, including, where appropriate, who the partici-

pants were and how they were recruited; descriptions of any apparatus

and materials used; and the actual procedures followed in carrying out

the research

5. A summary of the results of the study in clear, understandable, nontech-

nical, nonstatistical, n o j a r g o n language

6. An interpretation of the meaning of the findings based on the author's

own discussion in the original article

Preface xi i i

NEW TO THE SIXTH E D I T I O N

This sixth edition of Forty Studies offers numerous noteworthy and substantive

changes and additions. I have added two of the most influential studies in the

history of psychology about how we perceive the world. T h e first is Robert

Fantz's revolutionary discovery of an ingenious method to allow us to study

what very young infants "know" (from 1 9 6 1 ) . T h e second, Philip Zimbardo's

famous Stanford Prison Study (from the early 1970s) focuses on the powerful

and controlling forces some situations can exert over our behavior.

In addition, the Recent Applications sections near the end of the read-

ings have been updated. These sections sample the numerous recent cita-

tions of the 40 studies into the 21st century. T h e 40 studies discussed in this

book are referred to in over 1000 research articles every year! A small sam-

pling of those articles is briefly summarized throughout this edition to allow

you to experience the ongoing influence of these 40 studies that changed psy-

chology. All these recently cited studies are fully referenced at the end of

each reading along with other relevant sources. As you read through them,

you will be able to appreciate the breadth and richness of the contributions

still being made by the 40 studies that comprise this book.

Over the three years since completing the fifth edition, I have continued

to enjoy numerous conversations with, and helpful suggestions from, colleagues

in many branches of psychological research about potential changes in the se-

lection of studies for this new edition. Two studies I have for some time consid-

ered including have been mentioned frequently by fellow researchers, so I have

added them in this edition. Each of these two newly incorporated studies, in

7. The significance of the study to the field of psychology

8. A brief discussion of supportive or contradictory follow-up research

findings and subsequent questioning or criticism from others in the

field

9. A sampling of recent applications and citations of the study in others'

articles to demonstrate its continuing influence

10. References for additional and updated reading relating to the study

Often, scientists speak in languages that are not easily understood

(even by other scientists). T h e primary goal of this book is to make these

discoveries meaningful and accessible to the reader and to allow you to ex-

perience the exc i tement and d r a m a of these remarkable and important

discoveries. W h e r e possible and appropriate , I have edited and simplified

some of the studies presented here for ease of reading and understanding.

However, this has been done carefully, so that the meaning and e legance

of the work are preserved and the impact of the research is distilled and

clarified.

xiv Preface

their own significant ways, expanded our perceptions of two very basic as-

pects of human nature and added to our knowledge of the complexity and

diversity of the human experience .

O n e of the newly added studies in this edition provided a window into

the perceptual and thinking abilities of infants. Of course, behavioral scien-

tists have known for decades that infants' behaviors in relation to the world

around them change and develop quickly in many ways. But just what do

babies know? How do they think? How skilled are they at perceiving and

processing events in their environment? You can imagine this is a difficult

research challenge to overcome because infants cannot talk to you about

what is going on in their brains. Instead, researchers must infer what in-

fants perceive and how they think from their observable behaviors. In

essence, this was how the famous Swiss psychologist, J e a n Piaget, who is dis-

cussed in Chapter V of this book, formed his theories of early cognitive de-

velopment in preverbal infants. In the early 1960s, Robert L. Fantz

discovered a new way of allowing us to peer inside the perceptions of in-

fants: looking at what they are looking at. It turns out that even very young

infants prefer to look at certain objects or events over others. By measuring

this behavior, referred to as preferential looking, researchers have been able

to study infants' knowledge and percept ion in many and varied contexts.

This methodology, along with some enhancements to it (also pioneered by

Fantz ) , remains today, nearly 50 years later, the most widely employed tech-

nique when psychologists and others wish to study the perceiving, thinking,

and knowing processes of infants.

The second study added to this new edition is one of the most well-

known research undertakings in the history of psychology. Many would

argue, and rightly so, that perhaps it should have been a mainstay of this

book frcm the beginning. It is Philip Zimbardo's famous "Stanford Prison

Study." That said, the historical timing is perfect to include this study now be-

cause a renewed interest has arisen in this study and the inferences drawn

from it over the past several years, due to the high news-profile prisoner scan-

dals in Iraq and various U.S. prisoner policies relating to the "War on Terror."

In basic psychological theory, two forces determine our behavior in a given

situation: our internal, dispositional factors (that is, who we are) and the in-

fluences of the situation in which we are behaving. In his simulated prison

study, Zimbardo set out to examine how ordinary people's behavior might

change when placed in a situation that carries with it a great deal of inherent

power, in this case, a prison.

All the studies, regardless of vintage, discussed in the upcoming pages

have one issue in common: research ethics. One of the most important build-

ing blocks of psychological science is a strict understanding and adherence to

a clear set of professional ethical guidelines in any research involving humans

or animals. Let's consider briefly the ethical principles social scientists work

diligently to follow as they make their discoveries.

Preface x v

THE ETHICS OF RESEARCH INVOLVING HUMAN OR ANIMAL PARTICIPANTS

Without subjects, scientific research is virtually impossible. In physics, the

subjects are matter and energy; in botany, they are plants; in chemistry, they

are atoms and molecules; and in psychology, the participants are people.

Sometimes, certain types of research do not permit the use of human partici-

pants, so animal subjects are substituted. However, typically, the ultimate goal

of animal research is to understand human behavior better, not just to study

the animals themselves. In this book, you will be reading about research in-

volving both human and animal subjects. Some of the studies may cause you

to question the ethics of the researchers in regard to the procedures used

with the subjects.

When painful or stressful procedures are part of a study, usually the

question of ethics is noted in the chapter. However, because this is such a

volatile and topical issue, a brief discussion of the ethical guidelines followed

by present-day psychologists in all research is included here in advance of the

specific studies described in this book.

Research with Human Participants

The American Psychological Association (APA) has issued strict and clear

guidelines that researchers must follow when carrying out experiments in-

volving human participants. A portion of the introduction to those guidelines

reads as follows:

Psychologists strive to benefit those with whom they work and take care to do no harm. In their professional actions, psychologists seek to safeguard the welfare and rights of those with whom they interact. . . . When conflicts occur among psychologists' obligations or concerns, they attempt to resolve these conflicts in a responsible fashion that avoids or minimizes harm. . . . Psychologists uphold professional standards of conduct, clarify their professional roles and obliga- tions, accept appropriate responsibility for their behavior, and seek to manage conflicts of interest that could lead to exploitation or harm.. . . Psychologists re- spect the dignity and worth of all people, and the rights of individuals to pri- vacy, confidentiality, and self-determination, (excerpted from Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct, 2003; see http://apa.org/ethics).

Researchers today take great care to adhere to those principles by fol-

lowing basic ethical principles in carrying out all studies involving human

participants. These principles may be summarized as follows:

1. Informed consent. A researcher must explain to potential participants what

the experiment is about and what procedures will be used so that the in-

dividual is able to make an informed decision about whether or not to

participate. If the person then agrees to participate, this is called informed

consent. As you will see in this book, sometimes the true purposes of an ex-

periment cannot be revealed because this would alter the behavior of the

participants and contaminate the results. In such cases, when deception is

used, a subject still must be given adequate information for informed

http://apa.org/ethics
xvi Preface

consent, and the portions of the experiment that are hidden must be

both justifiable based on the importance of the potential findings and re-

vealed to the participants at the end of their involvement in the study. In

research involving children or minors, parent or guardian consent is re-

quired and the same ethical guidelines apply.

2. Freedom to withdraw at any time. Part of informed consent is the principle

that all human participants in all research projects must be aware that

they may withdraw freely from the study at any time. This may appear to

be an unnecessary rule, because it would seem obvious that any subject

who is too uncomfortable with the procedures can simply leave. How-

ever, this is not always so straightforward. For example, undergraduate

students are often given course credit for participating as participants

in psychological experiments. If they feel that withdrawing will influ-

ence the credit they need, they may not feel free to do so. When partici-

pants are paid to participate, if they are made to feel that their

completion of the experiment is a requirement for payment, this could

produce an unethical inducement to avoid withdrawing if they wish to

do so. To avoid this problem, participants should be given credit or

paid at the beginning of the procedure just for showing up.

3. Confidentiality. All results based on participants in experiments should

be kept in complete confidence unless specific agreements have been

made with the participants. This does not mean that results cannot be

reported and published, but this is done in such a way that individual

data cannot be identified. Often, no identifying information is even ac-

quired from participants, and all data are combined to arrive at average

differences among groups.

4. Debriefing and protedion from harm. Experimenters have the responsibility to

protect their participants from all physical and psychological harm that

might result from the research procedures. Most psychological research

involves methods that are completely harmless, both during and after the

study. However, even seemingly harmless procedures can sometimes pro-

duce negative effects, such as frustration, embarrassment, or concern.

One common safeguard against those effects is the ethical requirement of

debriefing. After participants have completed an experiment, especially

one involving any form of deception, they should be debriefed. During de-

briefing, the true purpose and goals of the experiment are explained to

them, and they are given the opportunity to ask any questions about their

experiences. If there is any possibility of lingering aftereffects from the ex-

periment, the researchers should provide participants with contact infor-

mation if participants might have any concerns in the future.

As you read through the studies included in this book, you may find a

few studies that appear to have violated some of these ethical principles.

Those studies were carried out long before formal ethical guidelines existed

and could not be replicated under today's ethical principles. The lack of

Preface xvii

guidelines, however, does not excuse past researchers for abuses. J u d g m e n t

of those investigators must now be made by each of us individually, and we

must learn, as psychologists have, from past mistakes.