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SPORTS IN SOCIETY

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SPORTS IN SOCIETY Issues and Controversies

TWELFTH EDITION

Jay Coakley, Ph.D. University of Colorado

Colorado Springs

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SPORTS IN SOCIETY: ISSUES AND CONTROVERSIES, TWELFTH EDITION

Published by McGraw-Hill Education, 2 Penn Plaza, New York, NY 10121. Copyright © 2017 by McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Previous editions © 2015, 2009, and 2007. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education, including, but not limited to, in any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning.

Some ancillaries, including electronic and print components, may not be available to customers outside the United States.

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Coakley, Jay J. author. Title: Sports in society : issues and controversies / Jay Coakley, Ph.D., University of Colorado, Colorado Springs. Description: Tweleth edition. | New York, NY : McGraw-Hill Education, [2017] Identifiers: LCCN 2016017236 | ISBN 9780073523545 (acid-free paper) Subjects: LCSH: Sports—Social aspects. | Sports—Psychological aspects. Classification: LCC GV706.5 .C63 2017 | DDC 306.4/83—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/ 2016017236

The Internet addresses listed in the text were accurate at the time of publication. The inclusion of a website does not indicate an endorsement by the authors or McGraw-Hill Education, and McGraw-Hill Education does not guarantee the accuracy of the information presented at these sites. mheducation.com/highered

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To the memory of Ernie Barnes—a uniquely perceptive artist whose drawings

and paintings capture the movement and spirit of athletic bodies in ways that

inspire people worldwide.

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Jay Coakley is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at the University of Colorado in Colorado Springs. He received a Ph.D. in sociol- ogy at the University of Notre Dame and has since taught and done research on play, games, and sports, among other topics in sociology. Dr. Coakley has received many teaching, service, and professional awards, and is an internationally respected scholar, author, and journal editor. In 2007 the Institute for International Sport selected him as one of the 100 Most Influential Sports Edu- cators, and the University of Chichester in West Sussex, England awarded him an Honorary Fellowship in recognition of his out- standing leadership in the sociology of sport; in 2009, the National Association for Sport and Physical Education inducted Coakley into its Hall of Fame; and in 2015 he was named an Honorary Member of the International Sociology of Sport Association.

A former intercollegiate athlete, Coakley continues to use con- cepts, research, and theories in sociology to critically examine social phenomena and promote changes that make social worlds more democratic and humane. He currently lives in Fort Collins, Colorado with his wife, Nancy.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Jay Coakley and granddaughter, Ally, are running buddies in local Colorado races. (Source: © Jay Coakley)

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vii

The cover image, His Effort, is a painting by the late Ernie Barnes (1938–2009), an internationally known artist, a former professional football player, and an unforgettable friend.

Barnes was born during Jim Crow in Durham, North Carolina. As a child, he was shy, introverted and bullied. In junior high school, he learned about weightlifting and training. By his senior year of high school, he was captain of the football team and state shot put champion. On an athletic scholarship, he majored in art at North Carolina College at Durham (now NCCU).

In 1959 he was drafted by the Baltimore Colts and later played offensive guard for the San Diego Chargers (1960–62) and Denver Broncos (1963–64). In his final season, a football team owner paid him “to just paint.” A year later,

Barnes had his first solo exhibition and retired from football at age 28 to devote himself to art. His autobiog- raphy, From Pads to Palette, chronicles this transition.

Barnes’ ability to uniquely capture the athlete’s experience earned him “America’s Best Painter of Sports” by the American Sports Museum. In 1984 he was appointed the Sports Artist of the 1984 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. Recently his beloved football painting The Bench was presented to the Pro Football Hall of Fame for their permanent collection.

His artwork first became known in pop culture when it was used during the 1970s television show Good Times. The iconic dance scene, The Sugar Shack by Ernie Barnes, on a Marvin Gaye album is one of the most recognizable works of art.

A remarkable feature of Barnes’ work is his use of elongation and distortion to represent energy, power, grace, intensity, and fluidity in his art. His sports background provided a distinct vantage point for observing bodies in movement, and he used his unique understanding of the human anatomy to portray not only ath- letes but everyday mannerisms in delayed motion. As a result, his images communicate an intimate sense of human physicality.

For many people, Ernie Barnes captures the spirit and determination of athletes as they express them- selves through movement. His images present to us the kinesthetic soul of sports.

This is the seventh consecutive cover of Sports in Society that presents the art of Ernie Barnes. He spoke to students regularly, bringing his work to show that art, sport, and academic learning could come together in their lives. This particular cover image was chosen to represent Barnes’s legacy based on his effort to repre- sent the wonder and endurance of the human spirit.

For more information, please visit his official website: www.ErnieBarnes.com. My thanks go to Ernie’s longtime friend and assistant, Luz Rodriguez and his family for sharing His Effort for the eleventh and twelfth editions of Sports in Society.

ABOUT THE COVER ARTIST

© Peter Read Miller

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CONTENTS

Preface xi

1 The Sociology of Sport: What Is It and Why Study It? 2 About This Book 4 About This Chapter 4 Using Sociology to Study Sports 4 Defining Sports 6 What Is the Sociology of Sport? 9 Why Study Sports in Society? 13 Summary: Why Study the Sociology of Sport? 18

2 Producing Knowledge About Sports in Society: How Is Knowledge Produced In the Sociology of Sport? 24

Producing Knowledge in the Sociology of Sport 26 Doing Research and Using Theory in the Sociology

of Sport: A Case Study 28 The Impact of Sociology of Sport Knowledge 42 Using a Critical Approach to Produce Knowledge 44 Summary: How Is Knowledge Produced in the

Sociology of Sport? 45

3 Sports and Socialization: Who Plays and What Happens to Them? 50 What Is Socialization? 52 Becoming and Staying Involved in Sports 53

Changing or Ending Sport Participation 58 Being Involved in Sports: What Happens? 61 How Do Sports Affect Our Lives? 67 Summary: Who Plays and What Happens? 76

4 Sports for Children: Are Organized Programs Worth the Effort? 78

Origin and Development of Organized Youth Sports 80

Major Trends in Youth Sports Today 83 Informal, Player-Controlled Sports: A Case of the

Generation Gap 90 Youth Sports Today: Assessing Our Efforts 93 The Challenge of Improving Youth Sports 95 Recommendations for Improving Youth Sports 97 Summary: Are Organized Programs Worth the

Effort? 100

5 Deviance in Sports: Is It Out of Control? 102 Defining and Studying Deviance in Sports 104 Challenges Faced When Studying Deviance in

Sports 104 Research on Deviance in Sports 114 Performance-Enhancing Substances: A Case Study

of Deviant Overconformity 123 Summary: Is Deviance in Sports Out of Control? 135

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Contents ix

6 Violence in Sports: Does It Affect Our Lives? 138 What Is Violence? 140 Violence in Sports Throughout History 141 Violence on the Field 142 Violence off the Field 153 Violence Among Spectators 155 Terrorism: Planned Political Violence at Sport

Events 163 Summary: Does Violence in Sports Affect Our

Lives? 165

7 Gender and Sports: Is Equity Possible? 168 Cultural Origins of Gender Inequities 170 Orthodox Gender Ideology and Sports 174 Mainstream Sports Reaffirm Orthodox Gender

Ideology 178 Progress Toward Gender Equity 184 Gender Inequities Remain 188 Barriers to Equity 198 Gender Equity and Sexuality 201 Strategies to Achieve Equity 206 Summary: Is Equity Possible? 211

8 Race and Ethnicity: Are They Important in Sports? 214 Defining Race and Ethnicity 216 Creating Race and Racial Ideologies 217 Sport Participation Among Ethnic Minorities in the

United States 230 Race, Ethnicity, and Sport in a Global Perspective 243 The Dynamics of Racial and Ethnic Relations

in Sports 246 Summary: Are Race and Ethnicity Important in

Sports? 250

9 Social Class: Do Money and Power Matter in Sports? 254 Social Class and Class Relations 256 Sports and Economic Inequality 257 Social Class and Sport Participation Patterns 262 Global Inequalities and Sports 273 Economic and Career Opportunities in Sports 275 Sport Participation and Occupational Careers Among

Former Athletes 282 Summary: Do Money and Power Matter in Sports? 286

10 Age and Ability: Barriers to Participation and Inclusion? 290

What Counts as Ability? 292 Constructing the Meaning of Age 295 Constructing the Meaning of Ability 303 Sport and Ability 313 Disability Sports 318 Technology and Ability 326 To “Dis” or Not to “Dis” 331 Summary: Are Age and Ability Barriers to

Participation? 332

11 Sports and the Economy: What Are the Characteristics of Commercial Sports? 336

Emergence and Growth of Commercial Sports 338 Commercialization and Changes in Sports 347 The Organization of Professional Sports in North

America 352 The Organization of Amateur Sports in North

America 359 Legal Status and Incomes of Athletes in Commercial

Sports 360 Summary: What Are the Characteristics of Commercial

Sports? 368

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Intercollegiate Sports and the Experiences of College Students 447

Do Schools Benefit From Varsity Sports? 456 High School and College Sports Face Uncertainty 462 Summary: Do Competitive Sports Contribute to

Education? 476

15 Sports and Religions: Is It a Promising Combination? 480 How Do Sociologists Define and Study Religion? 482 Similarities and Differences Between Sports and

Religions 484 Modern Sports and Religious Beliefs

and Organizations 487 The Challenges of Combining Sports and Religious

Beliefs 504 Summary: Is it a Promising Combination? 508

16 Sports in the Future: What Do We Want Them to Be? 512 Envisioning Possibilities for the Future 514 Current Trends Related to Sports in Society 515 Factors Influencing Trends Today 519 Becoming Agents of Change 522 The Challenge of Transforming Sports 527 Summary: What Do We Want Sports to Be? 530 References 533 Name Index 614 Subject Index 626

12 Sports and the Media: Could They Survive Without Each Other? 372

Characteristics of the Media 374 Sports and Media: A Two-Way Relationship 383 Images and Narratives in Media Sports 391 Experiences and Consequences of Consuming Media

Sports 398 Sport Journalism 401 Summary: Could Sports and the Media Survive Without

Each Other? 403

13 Sports and Politics: How Do Governments and Global Political Processes Influence Sports? 406

The Sports–Government Connection 409 Sports and Global Political Processes 419 Politics in Sports 433 Summary: How Do Governments and Global Political

Processes Influence Sports? 435

14 Sports in High School and College: Do Competitive Sports Contribute to Education? 438

Arguments for and Against Interscholastic Sports 440 Interscholastic Sports and the Experiences of High

School Students 440

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PURPOSE OF THIS TEXT

The twelfth edition of Sports in Society: Issues and Controversies provides a detailed introduction to the sociology of sport. It uses sociological concepts, theories, and research to raise critical questions about sports and explore the dynamic relationship between sports, culture, and society. The chapters are organized around controversial and curiosity- arousing issues that have been systematically stud- ied in sociology and related fields. Research on these issues is summarized so that readers can crit- ically examine them.

Chapter content is guided by sociological research and theory and based on the assumption that a full understanding of sports must take into account the social and cultural contexts in which sports are created, played, given meaning, and integrated into people’s lives. At a time when we too often think that a “website search” provides everything we need to know, I intend this text as a thoughtful scholarly work that integrates research on sports as social phenomena, makes sense of the expanding body of work in the sociology of sport, and inspires critical thinking.

FOR WHOM IS IT WRITTEN?

Sports in Society is written for everyone taking a first critical look at the relationships between sports, culture, and society. Readers don’t need a background in sociology to understand and benefit from discussions in each chapter; nor do they need detailed knowledge of sport jargon and statistics. My goal is to help readers identify and explore issues related to sports in their personal experiences, families, schools, communities, and societies.

The emphasis on issues and controversies makes each chapter useful for people concerned with sport-related policies and programs. I’ve always tried to use knowledge to make sports more democratic, accessible, inclusive, and humane, and I hope to provide readers with the information and desire to do the same.

WRITING THIS REVISION

As soon as the extensively revised eleventh edition of Sports in Society went to press I began research for this edition. This involves reading six newspa- pers each day, including USA Today, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, and The Financial Times. I also read two sports magazines—Sports Illustrated and ESPN The Magazine—and other magazines that often publish articles about the social dimensions of sports. But most of my research involves reading abstracts for articles pub- lished in the major journals dealing with sports as social phenomena. I regularly survey the tables of contents of a few dozen journals in sociology and related fields to find articles on sport- related topics. Although I do not read every article or every book in the field, I read many and take notes as I do.

Finally, I track photos that I might buy for the edition, and I take thousands of photos myself, always hoping to have ten to twenty new ones for each new edition. I regularly ask friends to take photos if they are in unique sport settings. In the final photo selection I usually review 250 photos for every one I choose to include in the book.

In all, this amounts to thousands of hours of research, writing, and discussing issues with peo- ple from many walks of life in the United States

PREFACE

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xii SPORTS IN SOCIETY: Issues and Controversies

and other parts of the world I’ve had opportunities to visit.

CHANGES TO THIS TWELFTH EDITION

This edition builds on and updates the fully revised eleventh edition. New chapter-opening quotes, pho- tos, and examples maintain the timeliness of content.

New research and theoretical developments are integrated into each chapter. There are over 2000 references to assist those writing papers and doing research. Most new references identify materials published after 2009.

The sociology of sport has expanded so much in recent years that Sports in Society is now an intro- duction to the field more than a comprehensive overview.

Revision Themes and New Materials

This edition updates all time sensitive materials and continues to provide readers with a brief Chapter Outline, and Learning Objectives. At the end of each chapter are lists of Supplemental Readings that are accessible through the Instructor Resources section in Connect, along with selected sport management discussion issues related to the chapter content.

Chapter 1 introduces “the great sport myth”— the widespread belief that all sports are essentially pure and good, and that their purity and goodness are transferred to those who participate in or watch sports. This concept helps readers understand how and why sports are perceived in such positive terms worldwide and why it is difficult to promote criti- cal thinking about sports in society. References to the great sport myth appear in most of the chapters. Chapter 1 also has a new explanation of ideology to give readers a clearer idea of how sports are cul- tural practices linked with the perspectives we use to make sense of our everyday lives.

Chapter 2 contains information and diagrams that explain the knowledge production process and the primary data collection methods used in sociol- ogy of sport research. There is an explanation of gender as meaning, performance, and organization in social worlds, and discussion of the differences between quantitative and qualitative research.

Chapter 3 focuses on socialization. It contains a section on “Family Culture and the Sport Par- ticipation of Children,” which examines families as the immediate contexts in which socialization into sports is initiated and nurtured. There are discussions of sports participation and socializa- tion experiences, the transition out of competitive sports careers, and current approaches to sports and socialization as a community process.

Chapter 4, on youth sports, presents a discussion of how the culture of childhood play has nearly disappeared in most segments of post-industrial society. There’s also an expanded discussion of the possibility that in the United States some upper- middle-class parents use youth sports as a way to create mobility opportunities and reproduce privi- lege for their children. Finally, there is a discussion of how and why youth sport programs in the United States are fragmented and exist independently of any theory-based approach to teaching age- appropriate physical skills and promoting lifelong involvement in sports and physical activities.

Chapter 5, on deviance, contains a discussion of the relationship between deviant overconfor- mity and injuries, concussions, and repetitive head trauma in sports. There’s also an explanation of how widespread acceptance of the great sports myth leads people to deny or ignore certain forms of deviance in sports and use punitive social con- trol methods that focus on individuals rather than the systemic problems that exist in various forms of sport. This is followed by a discussion of new surveillance technologies being used to police and control athletes, especially in connection with the use of performance-enhancing substances.

Chapter 6, on violence in sports, discusses why violent sports have become commercially success- ful in certain cultures. The issue of concussions and repetitive head trauma is also discussed in con- nection with the culture of violence that is widely accepted in heavy- contact sports. Finally, there is an expanded discussion of how the threat of terrorism is perceived and how it influences the dynamics of social control at sport events.

Chapter 7, on gender and sports, introduces the concept of orthodox gender ideology to help readers

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Preface xiii

Chapter 10, written with Elizabeth Pike, my colleague from the University of Chichester in England, focuses on issues and controversies related to age and ability in sports. The frame- work of this chapter is built on research showing how social definitions of age and ability impact the provision of sport participation opportunities and the decisions made by people to become and stay involved in sports. The sections on masters events, the Paralympics, the Special Olympics, and related forms of sport provision illustrate the com- plexity of sports when they are viewed in a general social and cultural context in which age and ability influence how people are perceived and how they include physical activities in their lives.

Chapter 11 deals with the commercialization of sports. It explains how the great sport myth is used to appropriate public money to build sport venues and subsidize sport teams. Labor relations in sports are discussed in more depth, with explanations of collective bargaining agreements, lockouts, and the role of players’ associations.

Chapter 12, on sports and the media, now contains much material on the changing media landscape and how it is related to sports. There is a discussion of fantasy sports as an arena in which participation is influenced by gender and the quest to sustain white male privilege. There’s material on how social media are used by estab- lished sport organizations and by athletes practic- ing emerging sport activities around the world. Changes in media coverage are discussed, with attention given to how masculinity and sexuality are presented in sports media. Finally, there is a new discussion of how entertainment journalism has replaced investigative journalism in sports media.

Chapter 13, on politics, government, and global processes, is updated in its coverage of sport and national identity in global relations, and how the Olympics and men’s World Cup have become tools for generating profits for the International Olympic Committee and FIFA at the same time that the countries hosting these games incur increasing debt for debatable returns. Research on recent sport mega-events is used to discuss the

understand the cultural origins of gender inequality and why sports are one of the last spheres of social life in which the two-sex approach is accepted in a way that normalizes gender segregation. This chap- ter also contains a section on “Progress Toward Gender Equity,” which identifies girls’ and wom- en’s increased participation as the single most dra- matic change in sports over the past two generations. There is an updated Reflect on Sports box that exam- ines Title IX compliance and “what counts as equity in sports.” A new table presents data on female and male athletes at recent Paralympic Games, and a section, “The Global Women’s Rights Move- ment,” discusses the belief that girls and women are enhanced as human beings when they develop their intellectual and physical abilities. Discussions of the media coverage of women in sports and the impact of budget cuts and the privatization of sports are pre- sented to show that programs for women and girls remain vulnerable to cuts because they lack a strong market presence and have not been profit producing.

Chapter 8, on race and ethnicity, presents a revised discussion of how racial ideology influ- ences sports participation. A Reflect on Sports box deals with “Vénus Noire: A legacy of Racism After 200 years,” and a discussion of the isolation often experienced by women of color participating in or coaching college sports. Research is presented to show the ways that some Japanese parents use youth sports leagues to establish relationships with other Japanese families and connect their children with Asian American peers. Finally, there is a sec- tion on race, ethnicity, and sports in a global per- spective in which efforts to control the expression of racism at sport events is discussed.

Chapter 9, on social class, has expanded discus- sions of whether building a new stadium triggers new jobs for the surrounding community and how the economic downturn has impacted sports partic- ipation in the United States. There is a discussion of research on whether local boxing gyms help participants bond with one another and acquire forms of social capital that alter their structural position in society, as well as a discussion of data on the impact of income and wealth on sport par- ticipation patterns.

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xiv SPORTS IN SOCIETY: Issues and Controversies

Supplemental Readings and New Website Resources

Each chapter is followed by a list of Supplemen- tal Readings that provide useful information about topics in the chapters. The Supplemental Read- ings for each chapter can be accessed through the Instructor Resources within Connect.

New Visual Materials

There are 118 photos, 20 figures, and 30 cartoons in this edition. These images are combined with updated tables to illustrate important substantive points, visually enhance the text, and make reading more interesting.

The twelfth edition of Sports in Society, is now available online with Connect, McGraw-Hill Edu- cation’s integrated assignment and assessment platform. Connect also offers SmartBook for the new edition, which is the first adaptive reading experience proven to improve grades and help stu- dents study more effectively. All of the title’s web- site and ancillary content is also available through Connect, including:

∙ A full Test Bank of multiple choice questions that test students on central concepts and ideas in each chapter

∙ An Instructor’s Manual for each chapter with full chapter outlines, sample test questions, and discussion topics

∙ Supplemental Readings that add depth and background to current chapter topics

∙ Group projects ∙ Previous chapters on coaches, competition,

history (from the tenth edition), and social theories (from the ninth edition)

∙ True/false self-tests for each chapter ∙ A cumulative 275-page bibliography that lists

all references from this and the last six editions of Sports in Society

∙ A complete glossary of key terms integrated into the index

challenges and the pros and cons of hosting such events. There is an updated discussion of the new political realities of sports—where team owner- ship and event sponsorship have become global in scope, where athletes seek opportunities world- wide, where global media make it easy to follow the sporting events of teams from all over the world, and where fans’ loyalties are no longer lim- ited to teams from their own regions or countries. Research is presented to show that these realities are linked with corporate expansion, the global flow of capital, the business strategy of global media companies, and processes of glocalization through which global sports are integrated into people’s everyday lives on a local level.

Chapter 14, on high school and college sports, includes new research findings related to issues such as the rising costs of sport programs, who benefits from the revenues generated by certain sports, the dramatic increase of inequality among programs at both the high school and college lev- els, and young people’s perceptions of athletic and academic achievement in schools with high- profile sport programs. There are updated sections on budget issues, the uncertainty that faces school sports today, and the issues currently faced by the NCAA as it tries to control a college sport system that is increasingly unmanageable and inconsistent with the goals of higher education.

Chapter 15, on religion and sports, presents information on world religions and how they influ- ence conceptions of the body, evaluations of phys- ical movement, and sport participation. There also is updated information about the ways in which individuals and organizations combine sport with religious beliefs, and how this has spread beyond the United States in recent years.

Chapter 16 has been shortened and now focuses primarily on the process of making change in sports rather than describing what the future of sports might be. This is because there is a need for us to acknowledge the power of corporations in shaping sports to fit their interests and to develop strategies for creating sport forms that directly serve the needs of individuals and communities.

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Preface xv

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xvi SPORTS IN SOCIETY: Issues and Controversies

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Preface xvii

Finally, thanks go to Nancy Coakley, who has lived through twelve editions of Sports in Society and assisted with each one in more ways than I can list here. She keeps me in touch with popular cul- ture sources related to sports, and tells me when my ideas should be revised or kept to myself—a fre- quent occurrence.

My appreciation also goes to the following reviewers, whose suggestions were crucial in plan- ning and writing this edition:

Amanda K. Curtis, Lake Erie College Susan Dargan, Framingham State College Bruce Haller, Dowling College Ken Muir, Appalachian State University Tracy W. Olrich, Central Michigan University Gary Sailes, Indiana University Stephen Shapiro, Old Dominion University Angela Smith-Nix, University of

Arkansas–Fayetteville Jessica Sparks Howell, Mississippi State

University Ashley VandeVeen, Mayville State University

Finally, thanks to the many students and colleagues who have e-mailed comments about previous edi- tions and ideas for future editions. I take them seri- ously and appreciate their thoughtfulness—keep the responses coming.

Jay Coakley Fort Collins, CO

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This book draws on ideas from many sources. Thanks go to students, colleagues, and friends who have provided constructive criticisms over the years. Students regularly open my eyes to new ways of viewing and analyzing sports as social phenomena.

Special thanks go to friends and colleagues who influence my thinking, provide valuable source materials, and willingly discuss ideas and informa- tion with me. Elizabeth Pike, Chris Hallinan, and Cora Burnett influenced my thinking as I worked with them on versions of Sports in Society for the United Kingdom, Australia/New Zealand, and Southern Africa, respectively. Peter Donnelly, co-au- thor of past Canadian versions, has provided special support for this edition and influenced my thinking about many important issues. Laurel Davis-Delano deserves special thanks for her constructive critiques of recent past editions. Thanks also go to photogra- phers and colleagues, Lara Killick, Barbara Schaus- teck de Almeida, Elizabeth Pike, Bobek Ha’Eri, Becky Beal, Kevin Young, Jay Johnson Michael Boyd, Tim Russo, Basia Borzecka and my daugh- ter, Danielle Hicks, for permission to use their pho- tos. Rachel Spielberg, a recent Smith College grad, coach, and artist contributed cartoons to this edition; thanks to her for working with me. Thanks also to artist Fred Eyer, whose cartoons have been used in this and previous editions.

Thanks also to my Development Editors, Ashwin Amalraj and Erin Guendelsberger, and the entire McGraw-Hill team for their help during the course of this revision.

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chapter

THE SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT What Is It and Why Study It?

1

(Source: © Jay Coakley)

Our sports belong to us. They came up from the people. They were invented for reasons having nothing to do with money or ego. Our sports weren’t created by wealthy sports and entertainment barons like the ones running sports today.

—Ken Reed, Sport Policy Director, League of Fans (2011).

Why should we play sport? Why not just have everyone exercise? [ . . . Because sport] takes you to the edge of a cliff, and it’s at that edge of the cliff where you understand your creative soul.

—Brian Hainline, chief medical officer, NCAA (in Wolverton, 2014)

New York joins 34 other states and the District of Columbia in recognizing competitive cheerleading as a sport. Section VI and the state will make a distinction between traditional, sideline cheerleading and competitive cheerleading, he said. Schools will decide for themselves which type of team they want.

—Barbara O’Brien, staff reporter, Buffalo News (2014).

Sports is real. . . . Sports is Oprah for guys. . . . Sports is woven deeper into American life than you know. You may change religion or politics, but not sport teams.

—Rick Reilly (2009)

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About This Book

About This Chapter

Using Sociology to Study Sports

Defining Sports

What Is the Sociology of Sport?

Why Study Sports in Society?

Summary: Why Study the Sociology of Sport?

Chapter Outline

• Explain what sociologists study about sports and why sociology of sport knowledge is different from information in sports media and everyday conversations.

• Understand issues related to defining sports and why a sociological definition differs from official definitions used by high schools, universities, and other organizations.

• Explain what it means to say that sports are social constructions and contested activities.

• Explain why sociology of sport knowledge may be controversial among people associated with sports.

• Understand the meaning of “ideology” and how ideologies related to gender, race, social class, and ability are connected with sports.

Learning Objectives

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4 SPORTS IN SOCIETY: Issues and Controversies

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ABOUT THIS BOOK

If you’re reading this book, you have an interest in sports or know people who play or watch them. Unlike most books about sports, this one is writ- ten to take you beyond scores, statistics, and sports personalities. The goal is to focus on the “deeper game” associated with sports, the game through which sports become part of the social and cultural worlds in which we live.

Fortunately, we can draw on our experiences as we consider this deeper game. Take high school sports in the United States as an example. When students play on a high school basketball team, we know that it can affect their status in the school and the treatment they receive from teachers and peers. We know it has potential implications for their prestige in the community, self-images and self-esteem, future relationships, opportunities in education and the job market, and their overall enjoyment of life.

Building on this knowledge enables us to move further into the deeper game associated with high school sports. For example, why do so many Americans place such importance on sports and accord such high status to elite athletes? Are there connections between high school sports and wide- spread beliefs about masculinity and femininity, achievement and competition, pleasure and pain, winning and fair play, and other important aspects of U.S. culture?

Underlying these questions is the assump- tion that sports are more than games, meets, and matches. They’re important aspects of social life that have meanings going far beyond scores and performance statistics. Sports are integral parts of the social and cultural contexts in which we live, and they provide stories and images that many of us use to evaluate our experiences and the world around us.

Those of us who study sports in society are concerned with these deeper meanings and stories associated with sports. We do research to increase our understanding of (1) the cultures and societies

in which sports exist; (2) the social worlds created around sports; and (3) the experiences of individu- als and groups associated with sports.

ABOUT THIS CHAPTER

This chapter is organized to answer four questions:

1. What is sociology, and how is it used to study sports in society?

2. What are sports, and how can we identify them in ways that increase our understanding of their place and value in society?

3. What is the sociology of sport? 4. Who studies sports in society, and for what

purposes?

The answers to these questions will be our guides for understanding the material in the rest of the book.

USING SOCIOLOGY TO STUDY SPORTS

Sociology provides useful tools for investigat- ing sports as social phenomena. This is because sociology is the study of the social worlds that people create, maintain, and change through their relationships with each other.1 The concept of social world refers to an identifiable sphere of everyday actions and relationships (Unruh, 1980). Social worlds are created by people, but they involve much more than individuals doing their own things for their own reasons. Our actions, rela- tionships, and collective activities form patterns that could not be predicted only with information about each of us as individuals. These patterns constitute identifiable ways of life and social

1Important concepts used in each chapter are identified in boldface. Unless they are accompanied by a footnote that con- tains a definition, the definition will be given in the text itself. This puts the definition in context rather than separating it in a glossary. Definitions are also provided in the Subject Glindex.

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arrangements that are maintained or changed over time as people interact with one other.

Social worlds can be as large and impersonal as an entire nation, such as the United States or Brazil, or as personal and intimate as your own family. But regardless of size, they encompass all aspects of social life: (a) the values and beliefs that we use to make sense of our lives; (b) our every- day actions and relationships; and (c) the groups, organizations, communities, and societies that we form as we make choices, develop relationships, and participate in social life.

Sociologists often refer to society, which is a relatively self-sufficient collection of people who maintain a way of life in a particular ter- ritory. In most cases, a society and a nation are one and the same, such as Brazil and Brazilian society. But there are cases where a society is not a nation, such as Amish Mennonite society as it exists in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and other parts of the United States.

The goal of sociology is to describe and explain social worlds, including societies—how they are created, re-created, and changed; how they are organized; and how they influence our lives and our relationships with each other. In the process of doing sociology we learn to see our lives and the lives of others “in context”—that is, in the social worlds in which we live. This enables us to iden- tify the social conditions that set limits or create possibilities in people’s lives. On a personal level, knowing about these influential conditions also helps us anticipate and sometimes work around the constraints we face at the same time that we look for and take advantage of the possibilities. Ideally, it helps us gain more control over our lives as well as an understanding of other people and the condi- tions that influence their lives.

Key Sociology Concepts

Sociologists use the concepts of culture, social interaction, and social structure to help them under- stand sports as social activities.

Culture consists of the shared ways of life and shared understandings that people develop as they live together. Once a culture exists, it influences relationships and social interaction.

Social interaction consists of people taking each other into account and, in the process, influ- encing each other’s feelings, thoughts, and actions. Through interaction, we learn to anticipate the thoughts and actions of others and predict how oth- ers may respond to what we think and do.

Social structure consists of the established pat- terns of relationships and social arrangements that take shape as people live, work, and play with each other. This is the basis for order and organization in all social worlds.

These three concepts—culture, social interac- tion, and social structure—represent the central interconnected aspects of all social worlds. For example, a high school soccer team is a social world formed by players, coaches, team parents, and regular supporters. Over time every team cre- ates and maintains a particular culture or a way of life consisting of values, beliefs, norms, and everyday social routines. Everyone involved with the team engages in social interaction as they take each other into account during their everyday activities on and off the playing field. Addition- ally, the recurring actions, relationships, and social arrangements that emerge as these people interact with each other make up the social structure of the team. This combination of culture, social interac- tion, and social structure comprises the team as a social world, and it is connected with the larger social world in which it exists.

Peer groups, cliques, and athletic teams are social worlds in which participants are known to one another. Communities, societies, concert crowds, and online chat rooms are social worlds in which participants are generally unknown to each other. This means that the boundaries of social worlds may be clear, fuzzy, or overlapping, but we generally know when we enter or leave a social world because each has identifying features related to culture, social interaction, and social structure.

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Of course, I want to hold your attention as you read, but I don’t exaggerate, purposely withhold, or present information out of context to impress you and boost my “ratings.” In the process, I hope you will extend your critical thinking abilities so you can assess what people believe and say about sports in society. This will enable you to make informed decisions about sports in your life and the social worlds in which you live.

DEFINING SPORTS

Most of us know enough about the meaning of sports to talk about them with others. However, when we study sports, it helps to precisely define our topic. For example, is it a sport when young people choose teams and play a baseball game in the street or when thirty people of various ages spend an afternoon learning and performing tricks at a skateboard park? These activities are sociolog- ically different from what occurs at major league baseball games and X Games skateboard competi- tions. These differences become significant when parents ask if playing sports builds the character of their children, when community leaders ask if they should use tax money to fund sports, and when school principals ask if sports are valid edu- cational activities.

When I say that I study sports, people ask if that includes jogging, double-dutch, weight lifting, hunting, scuba diving, darts, auto racing, chess, poker, ultimate fighting, paintball, piano competi- tions, ballroom dancing, skateboarding, Quidditch, and so on. To respond is not easy, because there is no single definition that precisely identifies sports in all cultures at all times (Lagaert & Roose, 2014).

According to definitions used widely in North America and much of Europe, sports are physi- cal activities that involve challenges or competi- tive contests. They are usually organized so that participants can assess their performances and compare them to the performances of others or to their own performances from one situation to

We move back and forth between familiar social worlds without thinking. We make nearly automatic shifts in how we talk and act as we accommodate changing cultural, interactional, and structural features in each social world. How- ever, when we enter or participate in a new or unfamiliar social world, we usually pay special attention to what is happening. We watch what people are doing, how they interact with each other, and we develop a sense of the recurring patterns that exist in their actions and relation- ships. If you’ve done this, then you’re ready to use sociology to study sports in society.

Sociological Knowledge Is Based on Research and Theory

My goal in writing this book is to accurately rep- resent research in the sociology of sport and dis- cuss issues of interest to students. At a time when online searches provide us with infinite facts, figures, and opinions about sports, I am primar- ily interested in the knowledge produced through systematic research. I use newspaper articles and other media as sources for examples, but I depend on research results when making substantive points and drawing conclusions. This means that my statements about sports and sport experiences are based, as much as possible, on studies that use surveys, questionnaires, interviews, observations, content analyses, and other accepted methods of research in sociology.

The material in this book is different than mate- rial in blogs, talk radio, television news shows, game and event commentaries, and most of our everyday conversations about sports. It is organized to help you critically examine sports as they exist in people’s lives. I use research findings to describe and explain as accurately as possible the important connections between sports, society, and culture. I try to be fair when using research to make sense of the social aspects of sports and sport experiences. This is why over 1700 sources are cited as refer- ences for the information and analysis in this book.

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them, and receive external rewards, such as peer or family approval, social status, or formal awards for playing them. Softball leagues, scheduled volley- ball tournaments, and most organized youth sports are examples.

Scholars who study sports as social phenomena generally use a flexible and inclusive definition of sport. Although past research in the sociology of sport has focused mainly on what you and I would describe as “organized sports,” current research often focuses on physical culture, which includes all forms of movement and physical activities that people in particular social worlds create, sustain, and regularly include in their collective lives. This could be tai chi done in a Beijing park, capoeira in a Sao Paulo plaza, parkour in a Paris neigh- borhood, or break- dancing in New York City’s Central Park.

Of course, organized sports are a central and often dominant component of physical culture in many societies today, but it has not always been this way and there continue to be societies in which tra- ditional folk games and expressive forms of move- ment are more important than formally organized, competitive sports. Research on physical culture is important because it helps us understand how peo- ple think and feel about their bodies and how they define movement and integrate it into their lives. Additionally, it provides a foundation for critically examining the deeper game associated with sports in society.

Official Definitions of Sports

Defining sport in official terms and choosing spe- cific activities that qualify as sports is an important process in organizations, communities, and societ- ies. Being classified as an official sport gives spe- cial status to an activity and is likely to increase participation, funding, community support, and general visibility. For example, in Switzerland and the Scandinavian countries, walking, bicy- cling, and certain forms of general exercise are considered to be “sports.” Therefore, those who

another. However, the organization, meaning, and purpose of sports often vary from one cul- tural context to another.

Some sports are organized to emphasize free- flowing, playful action and exist primarily for the pleasure of the participants. Examples include 5K fun runs, spontaneous games of Ultimate in open areas, and skateboarding in the streets or local skate parks. In contrast, other sports are orga- nized to include scheduled and regulated action with participants displaying their skills for the pleasure of spectators. These include professional and other elite sports that people follow through media and pay to see in person. NFL games, matches in professional soccer leagues, and major golf tournaments are examples.

Most sports, however, are organized in ways that fall somewhere between these two extremes. They are formally organized and, even though people may watch them, they exist mostly for participants, who enjoy them, value the skills needed to play

Is “Competitive Cheer” and sideline cheerleading a sport? The answer to this question is important because it impacts the budgets, participation rates, and gender equity decisions in U.S. high school and college sport programs. Sociologists study why certain activities are considered to be sports, who has the power to make such decisions, and how those decisions affect people’s lives (Lamb & Priyadharshini, 2015). (Source: © Jay Coakley)

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are physically inactive at the same time that a small number of people perform at relatively high levels for large numbers of spectators—a situa- tion that negatively impacts health and increases health-care costs in a society or community. When sport is defined to include a wide range of physical activities that are played for pleasure and integrated into local expressions of social life, physical activity rates will be high and overall health benefits are likely.

Sports Are Social Constructions

Understanding the sociology of sport is easier if you learn to think of sports as social constructions— that is, as parts of the social world that are created by people as they interact with one another under particular social, political, and economic condi- tions. This means that the kinds of sports that exist and gain popularity often tell us much about the values and orientations of those who play, watch, or sponsor them. They also tell us about who has power in a social world.

Just as defining and identifying official sports is part of a political process, with outcomes that ben- efit some people more than others, so is the pro- cess of creating and sustaining sports in a social world. This becomes apparent when we examine the struggles that often occur over whose ideas will be used when making decisions about the follow- ing sport-related issues:

1. What is the meaning and primary purpose of sports, and how should sports be organized to fit that meaning and purpose?

2. Who will play sports with whom, and under what conditions will they play?

3. What agencies or organizations will sponsor and control sports?

Heated debates occur when people have dif- ferent answers to these questions. History shows that some of these debates have caused conflicts and led to lawsuits, government intervention, and

participate regularly in these activities often see themselves as “sportspersons” and are treated that way by their peers. Additionally, public policies are likely to provide common spaces for these activities and financial support for events that include them.

The official definitions of sport used by organi- zations and officials in the United States are more exclusive in that they give priority to formally organized, competitive activities. Therefore, even though walking is encouraged for general health purposes, most people in the United States would not consider walking a sport, nor would they ever describe walkers as sportspersons. This is impor- tant because it also may mean that walking trails and walking events will receive much less financial and political support than stadiums and arenas in which elite and professional sports are played and watched—because these are seen as the “real” or official sports.

According to most people in the United States, Canada, and a growing number of other societies, sports involve rules, competition, scoring, winners and losers, schedules and seasons, records, coaches, referees, and governing bodies that set rules and sponsor championships. Additionally, organiza- tions such as local park and recreation departments, state high school athletic federations, the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA), and the United States Olympic Committee use their own criteria for defining sport and selecting activities for official recognition as sports for purposes of funding and support.

Official definitions of sport have important implications. When a definition emphasizes rules, competition, and high performance, many people will be excluded from participation, and decide that they are not fit to play, or avoid other physi- cal activities that are defined as “second class.” For example, when a twelve-year-old is cut from an exclusive club soccer team, she may not want to play in the local league sponsored by the park and recreation department because she sees it as “recreational activity” rather than a real sport. This can create a situation in which most people

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control them. When people see sports contrib- uting to the common good, it is likely that sport facilities and programs will be supported by gov- ernment agencies and tax money. When people see sports as primarily contributing to individual development, it is likely that sport facilities and programs will be supported by individuals, fami- lies, and private-corporate sponsors. However, in both cases there will be struggles over the extent to which sponsors control sports and the extent to which sports are organized to be consistent with community values.

Struggles over these three issues show that using a single definition of sports may lead us to overlook important factors in a particular social world, such as who has power and resources and how meanings are given to particular activities at different times in a community or society. Being aware of these factors enables us to put sports into context and understand them in the terms used by those who create, play, and support them. It also helps us see that the definition of sports in any context usually represents the ideas and interests of some people more than others. In the sociol- ogy of sport, this leads to questions and research on whose ideas and interests count the most when it comes to determining (1) the meaning, pur- pose, and organization of sports; (2) who plays under what conditions; and (3) how sports will be sponsored and controlled. Material in each of the following chapters summarizes the findings of this research.

WHAT IS THE SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT?

The sociology of sport is primarily a subdiscipline of sociology and physical education that studies sports as social phenomena. Most research and writing in the field focuses on “organized, compet- itive sports,” although people increasingly study other forms of physical activities that are health and fitness oriented and informally organized. These include recreational, extreme, adventure,

the passage of laws. For example, people often disagree about the meaning, purpose, and orga- nization of cheerleading in U.S. high schools. School officials have traditionally said that cheer- leading is not a sport because its primary purpose is to support high school teams. But as competi- tive cheer teams have been organized to train and compete against other teams at least 34 state high school activities associations now define “cheer” as an official sport. This is important because the stakes are high: being designated an official sport brings funding and other support that changes its status and meaning in schools, communities, and society.

Disagreements and struggles over the purpose, meaning, and organization of sports occur most often when they involve the funding priorities of government agencies. For example, if the pri- mary purpose of sport is to improve health and fitness for everyone, then funding should go to sports with widespread participation resulting in net positive effects on physical well-being. But if people see sports as “wars without weap- ons” with the purpose being to push the limits of human ability, then funding should go to sports organized to produce high-performance athletes who can achieve competitive victories. This issue is regularly contested at the national and local levels of government, in universities and public school districts, and even in families, as people decide how to use resources to support physical activities.

These examples show that sports are contested activities—that is, activities for which there are no timeless and universal agreements about what they mean, why they exist, or how they should be organized. This is also illustrated by histori- cal disagreements over who is allowed to play sports and the conditions under which certain people can play. Cases involving extended strug- gles are listed in the box, “Who Plays and Who Doesn’t” (p. 10).

The third issue that makes sports contested activities focuses on who should provide the resources needed to play them and who should

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reflect on SPORTS

Being cut from a youth sport team is a disappointing personal experience. But being in a category of people that is wholly excluded from all or some sports is more than disappointing—it is unfair and occasionally illegal. Most cases of categorical exclusion are related to gen- der and sexuality, skin color and ethnicity, ability and disability, age and weight, nationality and citizenship, and other “eligibility” criteria. Struggles occur in con- nection with questions such as these: ∙ Will females be allowed to play sports and, if they

are, will they play the same sports at the same time and on the same teams that males play, and will the rewards for achievement be the same for females and males?

∙ Will sports be open to people regardless of social class and wealth? Will wealthy and poor people play and watch sports together or separately?

∙ Will people from different racial and ethnic backgrounds play together or in segregated settings? Will the meanings given to skin color or ethnicity influence participation patterns or opportunities to play sports?

∙ Will age influence eligibility to play sports, and should sports be age integrated or segregated?

Will people of different ages have the same access to participation opportunities?

∙ Will able-bodied people and people with a disability have the same opportunities to play sports, and will they play together or separately? What meanings will be given to the accomplishments of athletes with a disability compared to the accomplishments of athletes defined as able-bodied?

∙ Will lesbians, gay men, bisexuals, and transsexuals play alongside heterosexuals and, if they do, will they be treated fairly?

∙ Will athletes control the conditions under which they play sports and have the power to change those conditions to meet their needs and interests?

∙ Will athletes be rewarded for playing, what form will the rewards take, and how will they be determined?

Federal and local laws may mandate particular answers to these questions. However, traditions, local customs, and personal beliefs often support various forms of exclusion. The resulting struggles illustrate that sports can be hotly contested activities.

Think about sports in your school, community, and society: how have these questions been answered?

Who Plays and Who Doesn’t Contesting a Place in Sports

and virtual sports as well as fitness and exercise activities.

Research in the sociology of sport generally seeks to answer the following questions:

1. Why are some activities, and not others, selected and designated as sports in particular groups and societies?

2. Why are sports created and organized in different ways at different times and in different places?

3. How do people include sports and sport par- ticipation in their lives, and does participation

affect individual development and social relationships?

4. How do sports and sport participation affect our ideas about bodies, human movement work, fun, social class, masculinity and femi- ninity, race and ethnicity, ability and disability, achievement and competition, pleasure and pain, deviance and conformity, and aggression and violence?

5. How do various sports compare with other physical activities in producing positive health and fitness outcomes?

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In fact, when the actions of athletes, coaches, spectators, and others associated with sports are inconsistent with the perceived inherent purity and goodness of sport, those who accept the myth dis- miss them as exceptions—as the actions of people so morally flawed that they resist the lessons that are inherent in sports.

The great sport myth implies that there is no need to study sports or seek ways to make them better. The sociology of sport is unnecessary, say the myth-believers, because sport is inherently positive. The source of problems, they say, is the morally flawed individuals who must be purged from sports so that goodness and purity will pre- vail. Sport, according to myth believers, is already as it should be—a source of inspiration and pure excitement that is not available in any other activ- ity or sphere of life.

Throughout this book, we will see how the great sport myth influences many important decisions—from creating and funding organized sport programs for “at-risk” youth to making multibillion-dollar bids to host the Olympic Games, the FIFA World Cup (for men), and other sport mega-events. The myth supports a strong belief in the power of sports to bring purity and goodness to individuals in the form of positive character traits and to cities and nations in the form of revitalized civic spirit and desired development.

6. How do sports contribute to overall commu- nity and societal development, and why do so many people assume that they do?

7. How is the meaning, purpose, and organiza- tion of sports related to the culture, social structure, and resources of a society?

8. How are sports related to important spheres of social life such as family, education, politics, the economy, media, and religion?

9. How do people use their sport experiences and knowledge about sports as they interact with others and explain what occurs in their lives and the world around them?

10. How can people use sociological knowledge about sports to understand and participate more actively and effectively in society, espe- cially as agents of progressive change?

For those of us doing research to answer these and other questions, sport provides windows into the societies and cultures in which they exist. This means that the sociology of sport tells us about more than sports in society; in reality, it tells us about the organization and dynamics of relation- ships in society, and about how people see them- selves and others in relation to the world at large.

The Great Sport Myth and Resistance to the Sociology of Sport

As organized sports have spread around the world, so has the myth that sport is essentially pure and good, and that its purity and goodness is trans- ferred to all who participate in it. This myth sup- ports related beliefs that sport builds character, and that anyone who plays sport will be a better person for doing so. The great sport myth is outlined in Figure 1.1.

Evidence clearly shows that the essential purity and goodness of sport is a myth and that merely participating in or consuming sports does not guar- antee any particular outcomes related to character development or increased purity and goodness. In fact, we hear every day about cases that contra- dict the great sport myth. But that doesn’t seem to weaken its uncritical acceptance by many people.

FIGURE 1.1 The great sport myth.

Sport is essentially pure and good, and its purity and goodness are transferred

to anyone who plays, consumes, or sponsors sports.

There is no need to study and evaluate sports for the purpose of transforming or making them better,

because they are already what they should be.

THEREFORE

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this book you will be prepared and willing to do the following:

1. Think critically about sports so you can identify and understand the issues and controversies associated with them.

2. Look beyond performance statistics and win– loss records to see sports as social construc- tions that can have both positive and negative effects on people’s lives.

3. Learn things about sports that enable you to make informed choices about your sport participation and the place of sports in your family, community, and society.

4. See sports as social constructions and strive to change them when they systematically and unfairly disadvantage some categories of peo- ple as they privilege others.

Controversies Created by the Sociology of Sport

Research in the sociology of sport can be controversial when it pro- vides evidence that changes are needed in the ways that sports and social worlds are organized. Such evidence threatens some people,

especially those who control sport organizations, benefit from the current organization of sports, or think that the current organization of sports is “right and natural.”

People in positions of power know that social and cultural changes can jeopardize their control over others and the privileges that come with it. Therefore, they prefer approaches to sports that blame problems on the weaknesses and failures of individuals. When individuals are identified as the problem, solutions emphasize the need to control individuals more effectively and teach them how to adjust to social worlds as they are currently organized.

The potential for controversy created by a soci- ological analysis of sports is illustrated by review- ing research findings on sport participation among

Using the Sociology of Sport

Knowledge produced by research in the sociology of sport can be useful to athletes, coaches, parents, and people in sport management, recreation, physi- cal education, public health, and community plan- ning and development. For example, it can inform parents and coaches about the conditions under which youth sport participation is most likely to produce positive developmental effects (NASPE, 2013). It explains why some sports have higher rates of violence than others and how to effectively control sports violence (Young, 2012).

Like knowledge produced in other fields, soci- ology of sport knowledge can be used for nega- tive and selfish purposes unless it is combined with concerns for fairness and social justice. For example, it can inform football coaches that they can effectively control young men in U.S. culture by threatening their masculinity and making them dependent on the coaching staff for approval of their worth as men. And it also shows that this strategy can be used to increase the willing- ness of young men to sacrifice their bodies “for the good of the team”— an orientation that some football coaches favor and promote.

This example shows that the sociology of sport, like other scientific disciplines, can be used for many purposes. Like others who produce and dis- tribute knowledge, those of us who study sports in society must consider why we ask certain research questions and how our research findings might affect people’s lives. We can’t escape the fact that social life is complex and characterized by inequalities, power differences, and conflicts of interests between different categories of people. Therefore, using knowledge in the sociology of sport is not a simple process that automatically brings about equal and positive benefits for every- one. In fact, it must also involve critical thinking about the potential consequences of what we know about sports in society. Hopefully, after reading

Sociology has always attempted to defatalize and denaturalize the present, demonstrating that the world could be otherwise. —Editor, Global Dialogue (2011)

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even argue that the sociology of sport is too critical and idealistic and that the “natural” order would be turned upside down if sociological knowledge were used to organize social worlds. However, good research always inspires critical approaches to the social conditions that affect our lives. This is why studying sports with a critical eye usually occurs when researchers have informed visions of what sports and society could and should be in the future. Without these visions, often born of idealism, what would motivate and guide us as we participate in our communities, societies, and world? People who make a difference and change the world for the better have always been idealis- tic and unafraid of promoting structural changes in societies.

Regardless of controversies, research and popu- lar interest in the sociology of sport has increased significantly in recent years. This growth will con- tinue as long as scholars in the field do research and produce knowledge that people find useful as they try to understand social life and participate effectively as citizens in their communities and societies (Burawoy, 2005; Donnelly et al., 2011).

WHY STUDY SPORTS IN SOCIETY?

We study sports because they are socially sig- nificant activities for many people, they reinforce important ideas and beliefs in many societies, and they’ve been integrated into major spheres of social life such as the family, religion, education, the economy, politics, and the media.

Sports Are Socially Significant Activities

As we look around us, we see that the Olympic Games, soccer’s World Cup, American football’s Super Bowl, the Rugby World Cup, the Tour de France, the tennis championships at Wimbledon, and other sport mega-events attract global attention and media coverage. The biggest of these events are watched by billions of people in over two

women around the world. Research shows that women, especially women in poor and working- class households, have lower rates of sport partici- pation than do other categories of people (Donnelly and Harvey, 2007; Elling and Janssens, 2009; Tomlinson, 2007; Van Tuyckom et al., 2010). Research also shows that there are many reasons for this, including the following (Taniguchi and Shupe, 2012):

1. Women are less likely than men to have the time, freedom, “cultural permission,” and money needed to play sports regularly.

2. Women have little or no control of the facili- ties where sports are played or the programs in those facilities.

3. Women have less access to transportation and less overall freedom to move around at will and without fear.

4. Women often are expected to take full-time responsibility for the social and emotional needs of family members—a job that seldom allows them time to play sports.

5. Most sport programs around the world are organized around the values, interests, and experiences of men.

These reasons all contribute to the fact that many women worldwide don’t see sports as appropriate activities for them to take seriously.

It is easy to see the potential for controversy associated with these findings. They suggest that opportunities and resources to play sports should be increased for women, that women and men should share control of sports, and that new sports orga- nized around the values, interests, and resources of women should be developed. They also suggest that there should be changes in ideas about mas- culinity and femininity, gender relations, family structures, the allocation of child-care responsibili- ties, the organization of work, and the distribution of resources in society.

People who benefit from sports and social life as they are currently organized are likely to oppose and reject the need for these changes. They might

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them. In fact, a key research topic in the sociology of sport is the relationship between sports and cul- tural ideologies.

We are not born with ideologies. We learn them as we interact with others and accept ideas and beliefs that are generally taken for granted in our culture. An ideology is a shared interpre- tive framework that people use to make sense of and evaluate themselves, others, and events in their social worlds. We learn ideologies as people around us consistently give meaning to and make sense of social phenomena in certain ways. Even if we don’t agree with a particular ideology it rep- resents the principles, perspectives, and viewpoints that are widely shared in our culture.

Most ideologies serve the interests of a particu- lar category of people and are presented as accu- rate and truthful representations of the world as it

is or as influential people think it should be. In this way, ideologies serve a social function and in that they can be used to justify certain decisions and actions.

When we study sports in soci- ety, it is important to know about four ideologies that influence how sports are organized and who con-

trols and participates in them. These ideologies are organized around ideas and beliefs about gender, race, social class, and ability. Each of these ide- ologies is explained in terms of how it is related to sports in our lives.

Gender Ideology

Gender ideology consists of interrelated ideas and beliefs that are widely used to define masculinity and femininity, identify people as male or female, evaluate forms of sexual expression, and determine the appropriate roles of men and women in society. The most widely shared or dominant gender ide- ology used in many societies is organized around three central ideas and beliefs:

1. Human beings are either female or male.

hundred countries. The media coverage of sports provides vivid images and stories that entertain, inspire, and provide for people the words and ideas they often use to make sense of their experiences and the world around them. Even people with little or no interest in sports cannot ignore them when family and friends insist on taking them to games and talking about sports.

People worldwide talk about sports at work, at home, in bars, on campuses, at dinner tables, in school, with friends, and even with strangers at bus stops, airports, and other public places. Relation- ships often revolve around sports. People identify with teams and athletes so closely that the outcomes of games influence their moods, identities, and sense of well-being. In a general sense, sports create oppor- tunities for conversations that enable people to form and nurture relationships and even enhance their per- sonal status as they describe and cri- tique athletes, games, teams, coaching decisions, and media commentaries. When people use sports this way, they often broaden their social networks related to work, politics, education, and other spheres of their lives. This increases their social capital, that is, the social resources that link them positively to social worlds (Harvey et al., 2007).

When people play sports, their experiences are often remembered as special and important in their lives. The emotional intensity, group camaraderie, and sense of accomplishment that often occur in sports make sport participation more memorable than many other activities.

For all these reasons, sports are logical topics for the attention of sociologists and others con- cerned with social life today.

Sports Reaffirm Important Ideas and Beliefs

We also study sports because they often are orga- nized to reaffirm ideas and beliefs that influence how people see and evaluate the world around

In the space of a few decades, the world has come to take sport more seriously than ever before. —Simon Kuper, journalist, The Financial Times (2012)

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who don’t conform to prevailing ideas and beliefs about heterosexual masculinity ( Anderson, 2011b; Harrison et al., 2009). In this sense certain sports, such as American football, ice hockey, boxing, and mixed martial arts, are organized, played, and described in ways that reaffirm an ideology that privileges certain boys and men over others. But as women and gender nonconforming men increas- ingly demonstrate their physical skills, they raise questions about and discredit dominant gender ide- ology (McGrath and Chananie-Hill, 2009). This means that sports are sites, or social places, where ideas and beliefs about gender are reaffirmed at the same time that oppositional ideas and beliefs are expressed. In this way, sports are important in ide- ological struggles related to the meaning and impli- cation of gender in society and our everyday lives.

Racial Ideology

Racial ideology consists of interrelated ideas and beliefs that are widely used to classify human beings into categories assumed to be biological and related to attributes such as intelligence, tem- perament, and physical abilities. These ideas and beliefs vary greatly from culture to culture, due to historical factors, but racial ideologies are usually divisive forces that privilege a particular category of people and disadvantage others.

Racial ideology in the United States has been and continues to be unique. Its roots date back to the seventeenth century, but it was not fully devel- oped until slavery came to an end and white people faced a new reality in which former slaves could claim citizenship and the rights that came with it. Fear, guilt, ignorance, rumors, stereotypes, and a desire to retain power and control over blacks led whites to develop a complex set of ideas and beliefs promoting white superiority and black inferiority as facts of nature. The resulting ideology was orga- nized around these three major ideas and beliefs:

1. Human beings can be classified into races on the basis of biologically inherited or genetically based characteristics.

2. Heterosexuality is nature’s foundation for human reproduction; other expressions of sex- ual feelings, thoughts, and actions are abnor- mal, deviant, or immoral.

3. Men are physically stronger and more rational than women; therefore, they are more naturally suited to possess power and assume leadership positions in the public spheres of society.

Debates about the truth of these ideas and beliefs have become common worldwide and they are part of (a) larger struggles over what it means to be a man or a woman; (b) what is defined as normal, natural, moral, legal, and socially acceptable when it comes to gender and expressing sexuality; and (c) who should have power in the major spheres of life such as the economy, politics, law, religion, family, education, health care, and sports. Today, many people have come to realize that dominant gender ideology privileges heterosexual males, gives them access to positions of power, and disad- vantages women and those not socially or biologi- cally classified as a heterosexual.

Fortunately, ideologies can be changed. But those whose interests are directly served by a dominant ideology usually possess the power and resources to resist changes and demonize those advocating alternative ideas and beliefs. For exam- ple, the girls and women who first challenged gen- der ideology by entering the male world of sports were generally defined as abnormal, immoral, and unnatural (see Chapter 7). The demonization of these “gender benders” was especially strong in the case of women who played sports involving power and strength and women who did not conform to norms of heterosexual femininity. Men with power and resources banned females from certain sports, refused to fund their participation, excluded them from sport facilities, labeled them as deviant, and publicly promoted ideas and beliefs that supported their discriminatory actions discrimination against females (Sartore et al., 2010; Travers, 2011; Van- nini and Fornssler, 2011).

The struggles around gender ideology also influence the lives of men—most directly, those

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and what should be done about economic differ- ences in a group or society. The dominant class ideology in the United States is organized around three major ideas and beliefs:

1. All people have opportunities to achieve economic success.

2. The United States is a meritocracy where deserving people become successful and where failure is the result of inability, poor choices, and a lack of motivation.

3. Income and wealth inequality is normal and inevitable because some people work hard, develop their abilities, and make smart choices and others do not.

Although some people question the truth of these ideas and beliefs, the class ideology that they support is heavily promoted and remains in exis- tence because it serves the interests of people with power and wealth.

Competitive sports in the United States have been organized and described to inspire stories and slogans that reaffirm this ideology and help sustain its popularity (see Chapter 9). Coaches, media commentators, and sport fans consistently proclaim that people can achieve anything through hard work and discipline, and that failure is the result of laziness and poor choices.

This way of thinking leads to the conclusion that wealth and power are earned by hardworking people of good character and that poverty befalls those who are careless, unwilling to work, and have weak character. As a result, there is little sympathy for the poor at the same time that win- ning athletes and coaches—and wealthy people generally—are widely seen as models of smart choice-making and strong character. To the extent that people accept this class ideology, socioeco- nomic inequality is justified and the wealth and privilege of economic elites is protected. There- fore, economic elites and the corporations they control are major sponsors of high profile, com- petitive sports that are organized and presented in ways that inspire widespread acceptance of this class ideology.

2. Intellectual and physiological characteristics vary by race, with white people being intellec- tually and morally superior to black people and all people of color.

3. People classified as white have only white ancestors, and anyone with one or more black ancestors is classified as a black person.

The ideology based on these ideas and beliefs was used to justify segregation and discrimination based on skin color and deny that black people were real “Americans” in the full legal sense of the term.

The connections between racial ideology and sports are complex (see Chapter 8). Through much of the twentieth century whites in the United States used racial ideology to exclude African Americans and other dark-skinned people from many sports, especially those occurring in gender-mixed social settings, such as golf, tennis, and swimming.

For many years whites also believed that blacks had physical weaknesses that prevented them from excelling in certain sports. But, when blacks dem- onstrated physical skills that rivaled or surpassed those of whites, dominant racial ideology was revised to describe blacks as less evolved than whites and, therefore, dependent on their innate physicality for survival. At the same time, whites saw themselves at a more advanced stage of evo- lution and dependent on their innate intellectual abilities for survival—abilities they believed were not possessed by blacks.

This racial ideology has been challenged and factually discredited during struggles over civil rights. But its roots are so deep in U.S. culture that it still influences patterns of sport participation, beliefs about skin color and abilities, and the ways that people view sports and integrate them into their lives.

Social Class Ideology

Social class ideology consists of interrelated ideas and beliefs that are widely shared and used by peo- ple to evaluate their material status; explain why economic success, failure, and inequalities exist;

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Variations across all physical and intellectual abilities are a normal part of human life. But ableist ideology and ableism obscure this fact and prevent us from realistically dealing with ability differ- ences in society.

In summary, ideologies are important parts of culture. People are usually unaware of them because they are simply taken for granted in their lives. As ideologies are widely shared and used as a basis for establishing, organizing, and evaluating social relationships and all forms of social organi- zation, they are woven over time into the fabric of a society. This makes them different from the ideas and beliefs of individuals or those shared only with family members and friends.

Ideologies also resist change. They are defended by those who use them to make sense of the world and those whose privilege depends on them. Some- times they are connected with religious beliefs and given intrinsic moral value, which fosters intense resistance to change. Although we rarely acknowl- edge our ideologies, we frequently recognize the ideologies of people from other cultures because they challenge our taken-for-granted assumptions. When this occurs we often criticize “foreign” ide- ologies while we leave our own unexamined. How- ever, in this book we will take a critical look at dominant gender, racial, class, and ableist ideolo- gies in Chapters 7–10.

Sports Are Integrated into Major Spheres of Social Life

Another reason for using sociology to study sports is that they are clearly connected to major spheres of social life. This will become increasingly clear in the following chapters. For example, Chapters 4 and 5 deal with family relationships and how they influence sport participation and how sports influ- ence family life today. Issues involving the econ- omy are covered in most chapters, and Chapter 11 is dedicated to examining the commercialization of sports and the changes that come with it. The media are closely connected with contemporary sports, and new social media are now changing the

Ableist Ideology

Ableist ideology consists of interrelated ideas and beliefs that are widely used to identify people as physically or intellectually disabled, to justify treating them as inferior, and to organize social worlds and physical spaces without taking them into account. This ideology in many cultures today is organized around three major ideas and beliefs:

1. People can be classified as normal or disabled. 2. Disability exists when physical or mental

impairments interfere with a person’s ability to function normally in everyday life.

3. Disabled people are inferior to normal people.

Underlying these ideas and beliefs is the general perspective of ableism, that is, attitudes, actions, and policies based on the belief that people per- ceived as lacking certain abilities are inferior and, therefore, incapable of full participation in main- stream activities. Therefore, when people use ableist ideology, they tend to patronize, pathologize, or pity those whose abilities don’t “measure up” to their standards. This ideology leads to forms of social organization in which people are sorted into the cat- egories of able-bodied and disabled.

Ableist ideology denies that there is natural variation in the physical and intellectual abilities of human beings, that abilities are situation- and task-specific, and that the abilities of all human beings change over time.

Everyday experience shows us that there are many different abilities used for many differ- ent purposes, and each of us is more or less able, depending on the situation or task. Additionally, people often forget that being able-bodied is not a permanent condition, because abilities change due to accidents, disease, and the normal process of aging. This means that we cannot neatly catego- rize everyone as either able-bodied or disabled. We can rank people from low to high on a particular ability in a particular situation or when doing a spe- cific task, but it is impossible to have one ability- based ranking system across all situations and tasks encountered in everyday life, or even in sports.

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explain social worlds. In the process, they enable us to put the lives of individuals and groups into context. This makes us aware of the circumstances that set limits and create possibilities in people’s lives. For most sociologists, the ultimate goal is to create and distribute knowledge that enables peo- ple to understand, control, and improve the condi- tions of their lives and the social worlds in which they live.

Sociologists use the concepts of culture, social interaction, and social structure as they investigate social worlds. Sociological knowledge about sports and other social worlds is based on data systemati- cally collected in research. This makes it different from statements about sports that are based only on personal experience and opinions.

Defining sports presents a challenge. If we use a single definition that emphasizes organization and competition, it can lead us to ignore people who have neither the resources nor the desire to develop formally organized and competitive physical activi- ties. For this reason, many of us in the sociology of sport prefer an alternative definitional approach based on the assumption that sports are social constructions and that conceptions of sports vary over time and from one social world to another.

ways in which fans engage athletes and consume sports. This is explained in Chapter 12.

Government and politics are no strangers to sports, although their influence has changed as sports have become increasingly global and less dependent on nation-states. This is the topic of Chapter 13. The connections between interscholas- tic sports, the lives of students, the academic mis- sion of schools, and the organization of high schools and colleges is the focus of Chapter 14. Finally, Chapter 15 deals with the complex relationships between major world religions and sports. Overall, sports are not only visible and important activities in themselves, but they are linked to major spheres of life in today’s societies.

summary

WHY STUDY THE SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT?

Sociology is the study of the social worlds that peo- ple create, organize, maintain, and change through their relationships with each other. Sociologists use concepts, research, and theories to describe and

Families and family schedules often are shaped by sport involvement, sometimes interfering with family relationships (left) and sometimes creating enjoyable time together (right).

(Source: By permission of William Whitehead)

(Source: By permission of William Whitehead)

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reflect on SPORTS

Until recently, most people viewed the body as a fixed fact of nature; it was biological only. But many scholars and scientists now recognize that a full understanding of the body requires that we view it in social and cultural terms (Adelman & Ruggi, 2015; Dworkin and Wachs, 2009; Eichberg, 2011; Hargreaves and Vertinsky, 2006; Wellard, 2012). For example, medical historians explain that the body and body parts have been identified and defined differently through history and from one culture to another. This is important because it affects medical practice, government policies, social theories, sport par- ticipation, and our everyday experiences.

The meanings given to the body and body parts in any culture are the foundation for people’s ideas and beliefs about sex, gender, sex and gender differences, sexuality, beauty, self-image, body image, fashion, hygiene, health, nutrition, eating, fitness, ability and disability, age and aging, racial classification systems, disease, drugs and drug testing, violence and power, and other factors that affect our lives.

Cultural definitions of the body influence deep per- sonal feelings such as pleasure, pain, sexual desires, and other sensations that we use to assess personal well- being, relationships, and quality of life. For example, people in Europe and North America during the nine- teenth century identified insensitivity to physical pain as a sign that a person had serious character defects, and they saw a muscular body as an indicator of a criminal disposition, immorality, and lower-class status (Hoberman, 1992).

Cultural definitions of the body have changed so that today we see a person’s ability to ignore pain, espe- cially in sports, as an indicator of strong moral charac- ter, and we see a muscular body as proof of self-control and discipline rather than immorality and criminal tendencies. But in either case, our identities and expe- riences are inherently embodied, and our bodies are identified in connection with social and cultural defini- tions of age, sex, sexuality, race, ethnicity, and ability, among other factors.

Definitions of the body are strongly related to sports in many societies. For example, our conception of the

“ideal body,” especially the ideal male body, is strongly influenced by the athletic body (van Amsterdam et al., 2012). In fact, the bodies of athletes are used as mod- els of health and fitness, strength and power, control and discipline, and overall ability.

In today’s competitive sports, the body is measured, monitored, classified, conditioned, trained, regulated, and assessed in terms of its performance under various conditions. Instead of being experienced as a source of pleasure and joy, the body is more often viewed as a machine used to achieve important goals. As a machine, its parts must be developed, coordinated, maintained, monitored, and repaired. Additionally, when the athletic body fails due to injuries, impairments, and age, it is reclassified in ways that alter a person’s identity, rela- tionships, and status.

Socially constructing the body in this way empha- sizes control and rationality. It leads people to accept forms of body regulation such as weigh-ins, measuring body-fat percentage, testing for aerobic and anaerobic capacity, observing physiological responses to stressors, doing blood analysis, dieting, using drugs and other sub- stances, drug testing, and on and on. For example, the members of the U.S. women’s national soccer team must wear heart monitors on their chest and GPS devices in specially designed sport bras during practices so coaches and trainers can determine how hard they work, their fit- ness level, and their on-field strategy awareness (Reilly, 2012). Similar technology is now used by other coaches to monitor the energy and effort being exerted by athletes while on the field of play (Newcomb, 2012a, 2012b). All this helps coaches know how to “discipline” athletes’ bodies and achieve performance goals.

Cultural conceptions of body as machine and sport as performance make it likely that athletes will use brain manipulations, hormonal regulation, body-part replace- ments, and genetic engineering as methods of disciplin- ing, controlling, and managing their bodies. Measurable performance outcomes then become more important than subjective experiences of physical pleasure and joy. As a result, the ability to endure pain and stay in the game is an indicator of the “disciplined body;” and bodies that

The Body Is More than Physical Sports Influence Meanings Given to the Body

Continued

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are starved to reduce body fat to unhealthy levels are ironically viewed as “fit” and “in shape.”

When we realize that human life is embodied and that bodies are socially constructed in the context of culture, those who think critically ask the following questions: 1. What are the origins of prevailing ideas about

natural, ideal, and deviant bodies in sports and in society?

2. What are the moral and social implications of the ways that the body is protected, probed, monitored, tested, trained, disciplined, evaluated, manipulated, and rehabilitated in sports?

3. How are bodies in sports marked and categorized by gender, skin color, ethnicity, (dis)ability, and age, and what are the social implications of such body marking and categorization?

4. How are athletic bodies represented in the media and popular culture, and how do those representa- tions influence identities, relationships, and forms of social organization in society?

5. Who owns the body of an athlete, including the athletes’ tattoos, and under what conditions can bod- ies or tattoos be used to promote products, services, beliefs, or ideas?

6. If moving the body were seen primarily as a source of pleasure rather than tool for achievement and weight control, would more people engage in physi- cal activity? These questions challenge taken-for-granted ideas

about nature, beauty, health, and competitive sports. Ask yourself: how have your ideas about bodies, including your own, been influenced by sports and the culture in which you live?

The ideal male body? Before he gained fame as “Conan the Destroyer” and “The Terminator” in films and became the governor of California (2003–2011), Austria-born Arnold Schwarzenegger was a legendary bodybuilder who won five Mr. Universe and seven Mr. Olympia titles. This statue outside the Schwarzenegger Museum in Austria captures one of his signature poses, which have had a worldwide impact on ideas about the male body and its representation of power and strength. However, ideas about the body change over time and are shaped by many social and cultural factors. (Source: © MARKUS LEODOLTER/epa/Corbis)

reflect on SPORTS

The Body Is More than Physical (continued )

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of sport as controversial, but we continue to do research and produce knowledge that can be used to promote fairness and social justice.

People study sports in society because sports are socially significant activities for many people; they provide excitement, memorable experiences, and opportunities to initiate and extend social rela- tionships. Sports also reaffirm and sometimes chal- lenge important ideas and beliefs, especially those related to gender, race and ethnicity, social class, and ability.

Finally, sports are studied because they are closely tied to major spheres of social life such as family, economy, media, politics, education, and religion.

Overall, sports are such an integral part of everyday life that they cannot be ignored by any- one concerned with the organization and dynamics of social life today.

SUPPLEMENTAL READINGS:

Reading 1. Why should I take sociology of sport as a college course?

Reading 2. The sociology and psychology of sport: what’s the difference?

Reading 3. Play, games, and sports: They’re all related to each other

Reading 4. Professional associations in the sociol- ogy of sport

Reading 5. Where to find sociology of sport research

Reading 6. Basketball: An idea becomes a sport

SPORT MANAGEMENT ISSUES

∙ You work for a sport management consulting firm. A client wants to invent a new sport that will attract participants as well as eventual media coverage, and asks you to submit a pro- posal covering what must occur and how long it might take. Describe the outline you will use for your “create a sport” proposal.

Therefore, we try to explain why certain activi- ties, and not others, are identified as sports in a particular group or society, why some sports are more strongly supported and funded than others, and how various categories of people are affected by commonly used definitions of sports and related funding priorities.

This alternative approach to defining sports also emphasizes that they are contested activities, because people can disagree about their meaning, purpose, and organization. Furthermore, people often have different ideas about who should play sports and the conditions under which participa- tion should occur. Debates over who plays and who is excluded can create heated exchanges and bitter feelings, because they are tied to notions of fairness and the allocation of resources in social worlds. Finally, people can also disagree over which sports will be sponsored, who will sponsor them, and how much control sponsors should have over sports.

Asking critical questions about sports in soci- ety is the starting point for doing the sociology of sport. This forces us to think about why sports take particular forms and who is advantaged and dis- advantaged by the current organization of sports in a social world. The sociology of sport often struggles for acceptance in societies where many people accept the great sport myth—that is, the assumption that sports are pure and good and that all who play or consume them will share in this purity and goodness. This assumption leads to the conclusion that it is not necessary to study and critically evaluate sport because it is essentially good as it is.

When sociologists study sports in society, they often discover problems related to the structure and organization of sports or the social worlds in which sports exist. Although we might be well informed about social issues, we usually lack the political power or influence to bring about change. Additionally, our recommendations may threaten those who benefit by maintaining the status quo in sports. This leads some people to see the sociology

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∙ You have a teaching assistantship as you pursue your doctorate in sport management. Your advi- sor says that you must teach a sociology of sport course to the first-year undergraduate sport man- agement students. Describe what you will say on the first day of class to convince your students that it is important for them to take the course seriously.

∙ One of the major challenges faced in sport management is to deal with the influence of the great sport myth in contemporary cultures. Explain this challenge and how people in sport management might cope with it as they do their jobs.

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chapter

PRODUCING KNOWLEDGE ABOUT SPORTS IN SOCIETY How Is Knowledge Produced In the Sociology of Sport?

2

(Source: © Jay Coakley)

“The first lesson of modern sociology is that the individual cannot understand his own experience or gauge his own fate without locating himself within the trends of his epoch and the life-chances of all the individuals of his social layer”

—C. Wright Mills, social theorist and activist (1951)

. . . there is a difference between an open mind and an empty head. To analyse data, we need to use accumulated knowledge, not dispense with it.

—Ian Dey, Social policy expert, University of Edinburgh, Scotland (1993)

The idea of real utopia is rooted in . . . the foundational claim of all forms of critical sociology: we live in a world in which many forms of human suffering and many deficits in human flourishing are the result of the way our social structures and institutions are organized.

—Erik Wright, past president, American Sociological Association (2011)

We all work with concepts. . . . We have no choice. . . . Without concepts, you don’t know where to look, what to look for, or how to recognize what you were looking for when you find it.

—Howard Becker, sociologist (1998)

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Producing Knowledge in the Sociology of Sport

Doing Research and Using Theory in the Sociology of Sport: A Case Study

The Impact of Sociology of Sport Knowledge

Using a Critical Approach to Produce Knowledge

Summary: How Is Knowledge Produced in the Sociology of Sport?

Chapter Outline

• Understand how and why our personal theories about social life differ from theories used in the sociology of sport.

• Identify the five steps involved in the production of knowledge.

• Explain the differences between cultural, interactionist, and structural theories.

• Understand what it means to say that gender exists as meaning, performance, and organization.

• Know the differences between a quantitative approach and qualitative

approach and when it would be best to use one over the other when doing social research.

• Identify and describe the three major research methods used in the sociology of sport.

• Describe what it means to say that sports are more than reflections of society.

• Know the key features of a critical approach to producing knowledge in the sociology of sport.

Learning Objectives

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The sociology of sport focuses on the deeper game associated with sports in society. We learn about that deeper game by using research and theories to understand the following:

1. The social and cultural contexts in which sports exist

2. The connections between those contexts and sports

3. The social worlds that people create as they participate in sports

4. The experiences of individuals and groups associated with those social worlds

Our research is motivated by combinations of curiosity, interest in sports, and a desire to expand what we know about social worlds. Most of us also want to use what we know about sports in society to promote social justice, expose and challenge the exploitive use of power, and empower people so they can effectively participate in political pro- cesses and change the social conditions that have a negative impact on their lives and their sport participation.

As we study sports, we use research and theo- ries to produce knowledge. Social research con- sists of investigations in which we seek answers to questions about social worlds by systematically gathering and analyzing data. Research is the pri- mary tool that we use to expand what we know and to develop, revise, and refine theories about sports in society.

Social theories are logically interrelated explanations of the actions and relationships of human beings and the organization and dynam- ics of social worlds. Theories provide frameworks for asking research questions, interpreting infor- mation, and applying the knowledge we produce about sports.

Research and theories go hand in hand because we use research to create and test the validity of theories, and we use theories to help us ask good research questions and make sense of the data we collect in our studies.

The goal of doing sociology is to describe and explain social worlds logically and in ways

that are consistent with evidence that is system- atically collected and analyzed. When sociologists achieve this goal, their research and theories add to our knowledge about social worlds. This makes knowledge in the sociology of sport a more valid and reliable source of information than what we read or hear in the media and online, where much of the content is based on a desire to entertain and attract audience.

In practical terms, the knowledge produced in the sociology of sport helps us understand more fully the actions of individuals, the dynam- ics of social relationships, and the organization of social worlds. This, in turn, enables us to be more informed citizens as we participate in our schools, communities, and society.

The goal of this chapter is to answer these questions:

1. How is knowledge produced in the sociology of sport?

2. What are the primary research methods used by scholars who study sports in society?

3. Why do scholars often use a critical approach when doing research and developing theories in the sociology of sport?

PRODUCING KNOWLEDGE IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT

Most people manage their lives and navigate social worlds by using personal, practical knowl- edge. They acquire this knowledge by keeping their eyes and ears open and developing expla- nations of everyday experiences and events. For example, consider how you manage your life at home, school, work, and with friends. What strate- gies do you use to understand what occurs around you, and how do you make decisions about what to do in connection with the people and events in your life?

If you’re like most people, you learn to navigate social worlds and manage your life by observing how others act and what occurs in various situa- tions. Then you use this information to develop

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experience-based explanations or “personal theo- ries” about your own actions, the actions of oth- ers, and the social worlds you encounter. These personal theories are summaries of your ideas and explanations of social life and the contexts in which it occurs. All of us use them as guides when we make decisions and interact with others throughout the day.

Think about your family life as an example. You collect information and develop explanations to make sense of your family and your involve- ment in it. You may even consider how your fam- ily is related to the larger community and society in which you live. In the process, you develop “educated hunches” for why your family is more or less loving, strict, organized, wealthy, or sup- portive than other families. You may also try to explain the impact of external factors on your fam- ily, such as (a) the closing of your local high school that forced you to be bused 20 miles to another school, (b) a nationwide economic recession during which your father lost his job, and (c) the local deci- sion to build a major highway that cut your neighborhood off from a previously accessible recreation center where you played sports.

The goal of our personal, experience-based data collection and theorizing is to make sense and gain control of our lives and the social worlds in which we live. Personal theories are forms of practical knowledge that we use to anticipate events, the actions of others, and the conse- quences of our own actions in various situations. Without them, we would be passive responders in our social worlds— victims of culture and society. But with theories, we become potentially active agents with the ability to participate intentionally and strategically in social worlds, reproducing or changing them as we take action alone and with others.

When Pierre Bourdieu, a famous French soci- ologist, discussed the practical knowledge that

people develop through their personal experiences, he referred to it as “cultural capital” (Bourdieu, 1986). He explained that each of us can acquire and accumulate cultural capital as we expand our social and cultural experiences and make sense of them in ways that increase our understanding of ourselves, our relationships, and the ways that social worlds operate. Although each of us has different opportu- nities and experiences, we can convert our personal theories into cultural capital. Like money, cultural capital has value as we use it to navigate, manage, and control our lives. But unlike money, cultural capital can be used over and over again without running up our bills.

As you consider these points, you may won- der how your personal observations and theories

compare with research and theo- ries in the sociology of sport. In what ways are they different? Can research and theories in the soci- ology of sport be used in com- bination with personal research and theories? Can they take their place? Are they more accurate and reliable? These questions will be answered in the rest of the chapter and throughout this book.

Our personal observations and theories are useful in our every-

day lives, but they differ from research and the- ories in the sociology of sport. Personal research focuses on our immediate social worlds. We gather and analyze information, but we don’t use carefully developed methods and follow systematic and rigorous guidelines as we do so. Similarly, we develop personal theories for our own use. We don’t systematically test them, compare them with related theories, and make them public so that others can examine them and determine their overall validity in different social worlds.

Research in the sociology of sport, unlike per- sonal research, is designed to answer questions that go beyond the experiences and the social situ- ations encountered by one person. In sociological

. . . theories are like maps: the test of a map lies not in arbitrarily checking random points but in whether people find it useful to get somewhere. —Kevin Clarke and David Primo, political science professors, University of Rochester, 2012

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described later in the chapter (pp. 33–37), but first we’ll examine a case study that illustrates how social research is done and how theory is used in the process of producing knowledge in the sociology of sport.

DOING RESEARCH AND USING THEORY IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT: A CASE STUDY

Micheal Messner is a well-known and respected sociologist at the University of Southern California. One of his books, Taking the Field: Women, Men, and Sports (2002), was named best book of the year by his colleagues in the sociology of sport. In the first chapter of Messner’s book, he described a situation that, in part, inspired him to do in-depth sociological research on the connections between sport and gender in the United States. The situation

research, we collect data from people or in situ- ations that are chosen because they can provide information to answer particular questions. We then analyze the data by using methods that have been developed and refined by other sociologists. If the analysis leads to clear conclusions, we try to connect them with the conclusions and theo- ries of other sociologists in the hope of expanding knowledge about the dynamics and organization of social life. Finally, we are expected to publish our studies so that others can critically examine them to see if they have flaws that would invali- date our findings.

People in the sociology of sport may study particular topics because they have a personal interest in them, but the process of doing research involves using methods that minimize the influ- ence of our personal values and experiences on the findings and conclusions. Basic research methods used in sociology of sport research are

The social worlds created around sports are so complex that it helps to have systematic research methods and logical theories to study and understand them. I attend youth sports events for personal reasons, but I also use knowledge produced by Micheal Messner and others in the sociology of sport to help me make sense of what occurs at the events. (Source: © Jay Coakley)

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interest. . . . I notice slight smiles on a couple of their faces, as though they are drawn to the Barbie Girls’ celebratory fun. Then, with side glances, some of the boys begin to notice each other’s attention on the Barbie Girls. Their faces begin to show signs of distaste. One of them yells out, “NO BARBIE!” Suddenly, they all begin to move, jumping up and down, nudging, and bumping one another, and join in a group chant; “NO BARBIE! NO BARBIE! NO BARBIE!” They now appear to be every bit as glee- ful as the girls as they laugh, yell, and chant against the Barbie Girls.

The parents watch the whole scene with rapt attention. . . . “They are SO different!” exclaims one smiling mother approvingly. A male coach offers a more in-depth analysis: “When I was in college,” he says, “I took these classes from professors who showed us research that showed that boys and girls are the same. I believed it, until I had my own kids and saw how different they are.” “Yeah,” another dad responds. “Just look at them! They are so different!”

The girls meanwhile, show no evidence that they hear, see, or are even aware of the presence of the boys, who are now so loudly proclaiming their opposition to the Barbie Girls’ songs and totem. The girls continue to sing, dance, laugh, and rally around the Barbie for few more minutes, before they are called to reassemble in their groups for the beginning of the parade.

After the parade, the teams reassemble on the infield of the track, but now in a less organized manner. The Sea Monsters once again find them- selves in the general vicinity of the Barbie Girls and take up the “NO BARBIE!” chant. Perhaps put out by the lack of response to their chant, they begin to dash, in twos and threes, invading the girls’ space and yelling menacingly. With this, the Barbie Girls have little choice but to recognize the presence of the boys; some look puzzled and shrink back, some engage the boys and chase them off. The chasing seems only to incite more excitement among the boys. Finally, parents intervene and defuse the situ- ation, leading their children off to their cars, homes, and eventually to their soccer games (from Messner, 2002, pp. 3–6).

As Messner observed these things, it caused him to think critically about youth sports. As a

occurred as he accompanied his son to the opening ceremony of a youth soccer season. Here are his words:

The Sea Monsters is a team of four- and five-year old boys. Later this day, they will play their first ever soccer game. . . . Like other teams, they were assigned team colors—in this case, green and blue— and asked to choose their team name at their first team meeting. . . . A grandmother of one of the boys created the spiffy team banner, which was awarded a prize this morning. While they wait for the ceremony to begin, the boys inspect and then proudly pose for pictures in front of their new award-winning team banner. The parents stand a few feet away, some tak- ing pictures, some just watching. . . .

Queued up one group away from the Sea Mon- sters is a team of four- and five-year-old girls in green and white uniforms. . . . They have chosen the name Barbie Girls and they too have a new team banner. But the girls are pretty much ignoring their banner, for they have created another, more power- ful symbol around which to rally. In fact, they are the only team among the 156 marching today with a team float—a red Radio Flyer wagon base, on which sits a Sony boom box playing music, and a three- foot-plus tall Barbie doll on a rotating pedestal. Bar- bie is dressed in the team colors; indeed, she sports a custom-made green and white cheerleader-style outfit, with the Barbie Girls’ names written on the skirt. Her normally all-blond hair has been streaked with Barbie Girl green and features a green bow with polka dots. Several of the girls on the team have supplemented their uniforms with green bows in their hair as well.

The volume on the boom box nudges up, and four or five girls begin to sing a Barbie song. Barbie is now slowly rotating on her pedestal, and as the girls sing more gleefully and more loudly, some of them begin to hold hands and walk around the float, in synch with Barbie’s rotation. Other same-aged girls from other teams are drawn to the celebration and, eventually, perhaps a dozen girls are singing the Barbie song. . . .

While the Sea Monsters mill around their banner, some of them begin to notice and then begin to watch and listen when the Barbie Girls rally around their float. At first, the boys are watching as indi- viduals, seemingly unaware of each other’s shared

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Step 1: Develop Research Questions

Producing knowledge always begins with obser- vations of the world followed by questions about what is and is not observed. In this case, Messner observed a particular event and combined what he witnessed with his previous observations and knowledge of sports.

As he thought more deeply about his observa- tions, he asked a series of critical questions about culture, social interaction, and social structure— the three concepts around which much sociological knowledge is organized. In connection with cul- ture, he asked these questions:

∙ What gender-related words, meanings, and symbols do American children learn to use as they identify themselves and others?

∙ How do children learn and use cultural ideas and beliefs to separate human beings into two distinct, nonoverlapping, and “ opposite” sex categories, even though males and females share many social, psychological, and physi- ological attributes and are not biological “opposites”?

In connection with social interaction, he asked:

∙ How do children perform gender in their everyday lives, and how do they learn to suc- cessfully present themselves to others as boys or girls?

∙ What happens in their relationships when they don’t perform gender as others expect them to?

In connection with social structure, he asked:

∙ How is gender a part of the overall organization of the AYSO (American Youth Soccer Organi- zation) and other sport programs?

∙ How does the organization of sports at all levels create constraints and possibilities that influence the lives of boys and men in different ways than they influence the lives of girls and women?

To see if other researchers had already answered these questions or developed theories to guide his

father, he was concerned about the way his son would make sense of these experiences as a five- year-old boy in twenty-first-century America. He even thought about what he would say to help his son define them in ways that would impact his development positively. But as a sociologist, Messner’s thoughts went beyond his immediate experiences and his role as a father. He wondered why parents at the soccer ceremony accepted with- out questioning the idea that boys and girls are naturally different, even though many of the boys were initially interested in the playful actions of the girls and their use of the Barbie icon. Taking this thought a step further, he wondered if people who use “nature” to explain the actions of their children tend to overlook similarities between boys and girls and feel no need to discuss strategies to help their children understand that boys don’t “nat- urally” try to intimidate girls.

Even though the boys’ “playful actions” at the soccer ceremony did not physically hurt anyone, Messner wondered if certain sports are organized to reaffirm ideas about masculinity and femininity so that they make it seem normal for boys and men to express aggression and intimidate others. This also made him think about the decision of the Ameri- can Youth Soccer Organization (AYSO) officials to segregate soccer teams by sex, thereby eliminat- ing opportunities for boys and girls to play together and discover that they often share interests and other characteristics. Without such opportunities, are boys and girls more likely to grow up thinking that males and females are naturally “opposites,” even though they share many attributes? And if this is so, what implications does it have for how we identify ourselves, form relationships, and organize our social worlds? As Messner asked these critical questions about sports and gender, he decided that he should do a study to expand sociological knowl- edge about this topic.

At this point, Messner was at the beginning of a five-step process for producing knowledge in the sociology of sport and in science generally. These steps are listed in Figure 2.1, and we can use them as a guide as we discuss this case study.