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Transformations TRANSFORMATIONS

Women, Gender, and Psychology THIRD EDITION

Mary Crawford University of Connecticut

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TRANSFORMATIONS: WOMEN, GENDER, AND PSYCHOLOGY, THIRD EDITION

Published by McGraw-Hill Education, 2 Penn Plaza, New York, NY 10121. Copyright © 2018 by McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Previous editions © 2012 and 2006. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education, including, but not limited to, in any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning.

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http://mheducation.com/highered
In memory of my daughter Mary Ellen Drummer

A feminist voice stilled too soon

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About the Author

MARY CRAWFORD is Professor Emerita of Psychology and former director of the Women’s Studies Program at the University of Connecticut. As a faculty member at West Chester University of Pennsylvania, she earned the Trustees’ Award for Lifetime Achievement for her research and teaching on women and gender. She has also held the Jane W. Irwin Chair in Women’s Studies at Hamilton College, served as distinguished Visiting Teacher/Scholar at the College of New Jersey, and directed the graduate program in Women’s Studies at the University of South Carolina. Professor Crawford received her PhD in experimental psychology from the University of Delaware. She has served as a consulting editor for Sex Roles, an associate editor of Feminism & Psychology, and is a Fellow of both the American Psychological Association and the American Psychological Society. Mary Crawford has spoken and written about the psychology of women and gender for audiences as diverse as the British Psychological Society, Ms. Magazine, and the Oprah Winfrey Show. In addition to more than 120 publications on women and gender, she has written or edited 10 books including Gender and Thought: Psychological Perspectives (1989); Talking Difference: On Gender and Language (1995); Gender Differences in Human Cognition (1997); Coming Into Her Own: Educational Success in Girls and Women (1999); and Innovative Methods for Feminist Psychological Research (1999), which received the Distinguished Publication Award from the Association for Women in Psychology. As a Fulbright Senior Scholar, she lived and worked in Kathmandu, Nepal, where she collaborated with Nepali NGOs to develop interventions to reduce sex trafficking. Her book, Sex Trafficking in South Asia: Telling Maya’s Story (2011), is both a memoir about the experience of doing research with women in Nepal and a feminist analysis of sex trafficking in South Asia.

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Contents

PART 1 Introduction

Chapter 1 Paving the Way Beginnings

How Did the Psychology of Women Get Started? Psychology and the Women’s Movement Voices from the Margins: A History

What Is Feminism? Feminism Has Many Meanings Is There a Simple Definition?

Methods and Values in Psychological Research Psychology’s Methods Toward Gender-Fair Research Feminist Values in Research

Intersectionality

About This Book

A Personal Reflection

Exploring Further

PART 2 Gender in Social Context

Chapter 2 Gender, Status, and Power What Is Gender?

Gender Shapes Societies and Cultures Gender and Power Justifying Gender Inequality

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Gender Shapes Social Interactions Constructing Gender through Female Bodies Gender as a Presentation of Self “Doing Gender” Constructing Gender in Interaction

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Gender Shapes Individuals Justifying Inequality Sexist Attitudes

Linking the Levels of Gender: A Summary

Making a Difference Transforming Ourselves Transforming Interpersonal Relations Transforming the Structures of Inequality

Exploring Further

Chapter 3 Images of Women Words Can Never Hurt Me?

Language about Women and Men

Worth a Thousand Words: Media Images Representing Women and Men Face-ism Sexual Objectification Invisible Women

Stereotypes about Women and Men The Content of Gender Stereotypes Sexuality Stereotypes The Intersectionality of Gender and Ethnic Stereotypes Are Stereotypes Accurate? Stereotypes Are Hard to Change

The Impact of Stereotypes Stereotypes, the Self, and Stereotype Threat Stereotypes, Status, and Power Stereotypes and Sexist Behavior How Not to Stereotype

Making a Difference Transforming Language Challenging Objectification

Exploring Further viii

Chapter 4 The Meanings of Difference The Politics of Difference and Similarity

Defining Difference and Similarity Measuring Differences Interpreting Results: Values and Ideology in Research

Gendering Cognition: “Girls Can’t Do Math” What Factors Influence Math Performance? Social Implications of Gendered Cognition

Gendering Emotion: “Boys Don’t Cry” Emotion Stereotypes Culture, Ethnicity, and Emotionality Emotionality and Social Interaction Social Implications of Gendered Emotionality

Making a Difference The Individual Level: Thinking Critically about Differences and Similarities

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The Interactional Level: Difference and Discrimination The Sociocultural Level: Creating Opportunities for Equality Can Similarities and Differences Be Reconciled?

Exploring Further

PART 3 Gender and Development

Chapter 5 Sex, Gender, and Bodies How Does Sex Develop?

Sexual Differentiation during Fetal Development Variations in Fetal Development: Intersexuality

Sex, Gender Identity, and Gender Typing Intersexuality and Identity Transgender Identity

Sex and Sexual Orientation Is There a Gay Gene? Hormones and Sexual Orientation

Sex as a Social Construction Constructing Two Sexes Rethinking Gender Dysphoria

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Beyond the Binary More Than Two Sexes Genderqueer

Making a Difference Transforming Society: Equality for Gender Minorities Transforming Ourselves: Accepting Biological and Social Diversity

Exploring Further

Chapter 6 Gendered Identities: Childhood and Adolescence Theories of Gender Development

Social Learning Theory Cognitive Theories

Gender in the Child’s Daily Life Parental Influences Peer Influences Gendered Environments Media Influences Intersectionality, and Gender Typing Children and Poverty

Leaving Childhood Behind: Puberty and Adolescence Changing Bodies Gender Intensification

Vulnerabilities of Adolescence Who Is This New Self? Peer Culture and Harassment

Making a Difference Transforming Social Interactions: Enlarging the Options for Girls Transforming Ourselves: Resisting Gender Typing

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Exploring Further

PART 4 Gendered Life Paths

Chapter 7 Sex, Love, and Romance How Is Sexuality Shaped by Culture?

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What Are Sexual Scripts? Contemporary Sexual Scripts Sexual Scripts Differ across Ethnic Groups and Cultures

Adolescent Sexuality How Does Sexuality Emerge in the Teen Years? What Factors Influence the Decision to Have Sex? Teens and Safer Sex

Experiencing Sexuality First Intercourse: Less Than Bliss? Women’s Experiences of Orgasm Evils of Masturbation or Joys of Self-Pleasure?

Lesbian and Bisexual Women Defining Sexual Orientation Developing a Lesbian or Bisexual Identity Intersections of Ethnic and Sexual Identity

Hookups, Dating, and Romantic Love Hookup Culture? Internet Dating The Subtle Scripts of Sexual Initiative and Pleasure Sexual Scripts and Sexual Dysfunction

Social Contexts of Sexual Expression Cultural Variations in the United States Attractiveness and Sexual Desirability Disability and Sexuality Is Sex Talk Sexist? Studs and Sluts: Is There Still a Double Standard? Silencing Girls’ Sexuality Controlling Women’s Sexuality

Making a Difference Safer and Better Sex

Exploring Further

Chapter 8 Commitments: Women and Close Relationships Marriage

Who Marries and When? Who Marries Whom?

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Varieties of Marriage Power in Marriage Happily Ever After? Marital Satisfaction and Psychological Adjustment

Lesbian Couples Lesbian and Heterosexual Couples Compared Characteristics of Lesbian Marriages and Relationships

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Power and Satisfaction in Lesbian Relationships

Cohabiting Couples Who Cohabits and Why? Does Living Together Affect Later Marriage?

Ending the Commitment: Separation and Divorce What Are the Causes and Consequences of Divorce?

Remarriage

Making a Difference Marriage Equality for Lesbian and Gay Couples True Partnership: Equality in Heterosexual Marriage

Exploring Further

Chapter 9 Mothering Images of Mothers and Motherhood

The Decision to Have a Child Why Do Women Choose to Have Children? Childless by Choice or Circumstance? Restricting Women’s Choices Technology and Choice

The Transition to Motherhood How Does Motherhood Change Work and Marital Roles? Psychological Effects of Bodily Changes during Pregnancy How Do Others React to Pregnant Women? Motherhood and Women’s Identity

The Event of Childbirth Is Childbirth a Medical Crisis? Family-Centered Childbirth Depression Following Childbirth: Why?

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Experiences of Mothering Teen Mothers Single Mothers Black Mothers and the Matriarchal Myth LGBT Mothers

Making a Difference Transforming Social Policy: Redefining Family Values Transforming Social Meanings: Redefining Parenthood

Exploring Further

Chapter 10 Work and Achievement If She Isn’t Paid, Is It Still Work?

Housework As Real Work Relational Work: Keeping Everybody Happy Status Work: The Two-Person Career What Are the Costs and Benefits of Invisible Work?

Working Hard for a Living: Women in the Paid Workforce Occupational Segregation Women’s Work as “Only Natural” The Wage Gap

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Doing Gender in the Workplace Evaluating Women’s Performance Discrimination in Hiring and Promotion Social Reactions to Token Women The Importance of Mentoring Leadership: Do Women Do It Differently?

Sexual Harassment from Nine to Five Defining Sexual Harassment The Prevalence of Harassment What Are the Causes of Harassment? The Consequences of Harassment

Women’s Career Development Expectancies, Values, and Career Paths High-Achieving Women

Putting It All Together: Work and Family What Are the Costs of the Balancing Act? What Are the Benefits of the Balancing Act?

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Making A Difference: Women, Work, and Social Policy

Exploring Further

Chapter 11 The Second Half: Midlife and Aging Not Just a Number: The Social Meanings of Age

Is There a Double Standard of Aging? Ageism Cross-Cultural Differences Self-Identity and Social Identity

Images of Older Women Invisibility Grannies and Witches: Images and Stereotypes of Older Women The Effects of Age Stereotypes

In an Aging Woman’s Body Physical Health in Middle and Later Life Menopause and Hormone Replacement Therapy The Medicalization of Menopause Constructing the Object of Desire Exercise and Fitness Sexuality in Middle and Later Life

Relationships: Continuity and Change Friends and Family Becoming a Grandmother Caregiving: Its Costs and Rewards Loss of a Life Partner

Work and Achievement Women in Their Prime Retirement Poverty in Later Life

Making a Difference Transforming Society: Elder Activism Transforming Social Interaction: Taking Charge of the Second Half Transforming Ourselves: Resisting Ageism

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PART 5 Gender and Well-Being

Chapter 12 Violence against Women Violence against Girls and Women: A Global Perspective

The Gender System and Violence Rape-Prone Societies ‘Honor’-based Violence Sex Trafficking

Violence and the Media Gender Violence as Entertainment Pornography

Violence and Social Media

Violence against Children Child Sexual Abuse How Can Abuse of Children Be Ended?

Violence in Intimate Relationships Dating Violence Stalking Sexual Coercion and Acquaintance Rape Violence in Long-Term Relationships How Can Relationship Violence Be Ended?

Violence in Later Life Elder Abuse Widow Abuse How Can Elder Abuse Be Ended?

Making a Difference A Multifaceted Approach to Interventions Women’s Rights Are Human Rights

Exploring Further

Chapter 13 Psychological Disorders, Therapy, and Women’s Well- Being Sexist Bias in Defining Disorders

The Social Construction of Abnormality Women’s Behavior as Abnormal Blaming Women for Distress and Disorders The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM)

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Gender-Linked Psychological Disorders Why Are There Gender-Related Differences in the Rates of Some Disorders? Which Disorders Are Diagnosed More Frequently in Women?

Sexist Bias in the Treatment of Psychological Disorders Institutionalizing Women Medicating Women Traditional Psychotherapy

Feminist Therapy

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Conducting Feminist Therapy Intersectionality and Feminist Therapy Evaluating Feminist Therapy

Making a Difference Transforming Ourselves: Finding (or Becoming) a Feminist Therapist Transforming Social Relations: Challenging the “Crazy Woman” Stereotype Transforming Society: Promoting Women’s Psychological Well-Being

Exploring Further

Chapter 14 Making a Difference: Toward a Better Future for Women Contemporary Feminism

Imagery and Attitudes Images and Stereotypes of Feminists Attitudes toward Feminism

Feminist Psychology and Social Change The Changing Face of Psychology Imagine a World … What Can One Student Do? Exploring Further

References

Name Index

Subject Index

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Preface

As I wrote this edition of Transformations during the latter half of 2016 and the first half of 2017, the larger social and political context was very much on my mind. While I summarized the latest research on such topics as women’s leadership, backlash against competent women, sexual harassment, transgender identity, reproductive justice, and feminist activism, a presidential election campaign was being held. For the first time in American history, it pitted a male and a female candidate from the two major political parties against each other, and it was remarkably bitter and divisive.

During this time period, sexual assault and harassment were constantly in the news: Donald Trump was caught on tape bragging about grabbing women by the genitals, and retaliated with accusations about former president Bill Clinton; Fox News head Roger Ailes was forced to resign after a longtime culture of harassment at the network was revealed; and a pending sexual assault lawsuit against Bill Cosby repeatedly made headlines. A “bathroom bill” discriminating against trans people was on, off, and on again. State legislatures and the Trump administration moved to restrict women’s reproductive rights in the U.S. and around the world. And this was just the United States. Globally, girls and women were being kidnapped and held as sex slaves by terrorist groups. Nearly two out of five female murder victims were killed by partners or former partners. Two-thirds of the world’s illiterate people were female; and sex trafficking continued unabated.

As I joined the millions of people who marched in global protest on January 21, 2017, I thought: Whatever one’s stance on political or social issues, gender is still a very important category. Gender matters—to each of us as an individual, as social beings, and as citizens.

Writing this book during a period of national ferment about gender issues was a powerful experience in the importance of feminist theory, research, scholarship, and activism for the 21st century. It is more important than ever to bring accurate information to students and to help them learn how to think critically and compassionately about women’s lives. Empirical social science, interpretive analysis grounded in the lived experience of women, and critical thinking skills are tools for fighting sexism and misinformation. The research presented in this third edition of Transformations reflects my sincere effort to offer you the best of feminist psychological scholarship for your classroom.

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I wrote this book originally to share my excitement about the psychology of women and gender. I chose Transformations for the title because this book explores many kinds of transformations. As I complete the third edition, the concept of transformation remains central to my thinking about this branch of psychology.

First, this book reflects the developmental transformations of a woman’s life. Each person who is labeled female at birth progresses in turn from gender-innocent infant to gender-socialized child; from girl to woman; and from young woman to old woman. The process of developing a gender identity and a sexual identity are transformative. Think too of the transformation from sexual inexperience to sexual maturity and agency, and the shift in identity that happens as a young person goes from being a student to a working adult or an older person retires from paid work. Motherhood is another profound transformation of self, roles, and behavior. And, too often, girls and women victimized by gender-based violence are forced to transform themselves from victim to survivor. Being a woman is not a static condition, but rather a dynamic, ever-shifting social construction.

A second meaning of my title reflects the transformation within psychology that made this book, and others like it, possible. In the past, women were routinely omitted from psychology textbooks, research on women was scarce or negatively biased, and women themselves encountered resistance to becoming psychologists and engaging in research and practice. Today, the psychology of women and gender is a flourishing part of psychology. The perspectives of feminist psychology have changed research, practice,

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and theory in every area of psychology. Women now earn the majority of professional degrees in psychology, and most psychology departments offer courses in women and gender. These changes, which came about through feminist activism and struggle, have been astonishingly successful.

I’ve been teaching the psychology of women and gender since 1975 and writing about it for students since 1992. I’m gratified that the first two editions of Transformations were adopted by many instructors and became student favorites. After describing the book’s distinguishing features and conceptual framework, I’ll focus on what’s new in this edition.

A Focus on Multiculturalism, Diversity, and Intersectionality Throughout this book, U.S. women of color and women from other cultures are central in research and theory. This starts in Chapter 1, where Black feminist, transnational, and global feminist perspectives are introduced and gender is compared to other systems of social classification such as race and ethnicity. I define the concept of intersectionality in Chapter 1 and discuss its importance for feminist psychology, setting the stage for integrating intersectional research into topical chapters that follow. By introducing this key theoretical principle of feminist studies under a major heading, I signal its importance. In the chapters that follow, I apply intersectional analyses to such issues as micro-aggressions, minority stress, multiple oppressions, stereotype threat, sexual harassment, sex discrimination at work, and the effects of being privileged on some dimensions but not others.

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The emphasis on systemic oppression continues in Chapter 2 with extended discussion of how systems of social classification are linked and mutually reinforcing. Chapter 4, The Meanings of Difference, focuses on the social dimensions that define difference and cause some groups to be evaluated as less worthy than others. Having set the theoretical framework for integrating intersectionality and a social constructionist perspective on difference, each chapter for the remainder of the book incorporates the experiences of women of diverse sexualities, ethnicities, social classes, (dis)abilities, nationalities, and ages.

Fortunately, there is an increasing amount of research being done with lesbian, gay, and transgender people; with women and men of color; with people who have disabilities; and with international populations. Integrating these dimensions of diversity throughout the book, I explore how they structure girls’ and women’s experiences including gender socialization, adult relationships, parenting, physical health, and psychological well-being.

Every chapter incorporates dimensions of diversity and explores the intersectionality of identities along these dimensions. Here are a few examples: studies of lesbian married couples (Chapter 8); ethnic diversity and sexual identities (Chapter 7); stereotypes of race/ethnicity and social class (Chapter 3); culture, ethnicity, and the expression of emotion (Chapter 4); the wage gap, workplace sex discrimination, and sexual harassment in relation to ethnicity and gender (Chapter 10); cross-cultural differences in aging and in attitudes toward the elderly (Chapter 11); sexual scripts across ethnic groups and cultures (Chapter 7); feminist therapy for diverse women (Chapter 13); disability and sexuality (Chapter 7); the diversity of women who mother, including ethnic minorities, teen mothers, trans parents, and lesbian mothers (Chapter 9); and the effects of ethnicity and social class on gender socialization (Chapter 6).

Cross-cultural perspectives are valuable for many reasons. First, they can help students learn that what seems natural, normal, and perhaps biologically ordained in their own culture is not universal. Second, they can foster critical thinking on women’s status and rights as a global problem. Finally, girls and women whose voices were formerly silenced and whose presence was invisible are now seen and heard. Textbooks like this can play a part in transforming psychology from its formerly White, middle- class North American focus into a psychology of all people. For all these reasons, I am passionate about making sure this book reflects women in all their diversity.

Gender: A Social System Linked to Status and Power Transformations presents a broad, comprehensive theoretical framework for understanding how the lives of all people, but particularly the lives of girls and women, are shaped by gender. Rather than conceiving gender as a collection of individual traits or attributes, this book presents gender as a social system that is used to categorize people and is linked to power and status.

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The gender system is analyzed throughout the book at three levels: sociocultural, interpersonal, and individual. Because conceptualizing gender as a social

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system is important from the start, the second chapter of the book is devoted to gender, status, and power. This chapter explains the gender system and how it works at each of the three levels and demonstrates how they are linked.

As Chapter 2 explains, at the sociocultural level men have more institutional and public power, and therefore political, religious, and normative power is concentrated largely in the hands of men. Of course, all men are not equally privileged, nor are all women equally disadvantaged. The gender system interacts with systems based on race/ethnicity, social class, heterosexuality, and other dimensions of difference. An understanding of the gender system at this level provides a context for the other levels and reduces the tendency to think of gender as mere sex differences.

At the second level of the gender system, gender is created, performed, and perpetuated in social interaction—what social constructionists call doing gender. I explore this topic not just as the social display of differences, but also as the social enactment of status and power. Gender-linked behaviors such as interrupting and smiling, for example, reflect and perpetuate women’s subordinate status.

The gender system operates at the individual level as women internalize their subordinate social status. Well-documented psychological phenomena such as denial of personal discrimination, lack of entitlement, and gendered psychological disorders such as depression can be related to internalized subordination. By conceptualizing gender as a social system operating at three levels, my goal is to provide students with an analytical tool for understanding how gender affects all our lives in both public and private domains.

Research Methods: Attention to Process From the start, this book has been based on scientific knowledge about women and gender. As in previous editions, research processes get plenty of attention. I believe it is important to show students how scientific knowledge is acquired, to help them see the methods and processes by which researchers reach their conclusions. In Chapter 1, I explain that psychological researchers use a variety of quantitative and qualitative methods, and define several of the most commonly used, briefly discussing their strengths and limitations. This background prepares students for the more sophisticated discussions that follow in Chapters 1 and 4 about sources of sex bias in psychological research, the meaning of statistical significance (including what it does not mean), the role of values in psychological research, and feminist values in research.

The methodological emphasis is reinforced by another feature of this text: Research Focus boxes that zero in on a specific study showing its method, results, and importance. These boxes feature diverse methods including surveys, experiments, interviews, and case studies. In addition to these spotlighted studies, there are graphs and tables throughout the text that summarize the results of other studies. Also, when describing individual studies verbally, I report the methods and results of both classic and recent research in enough detail that students can see how the

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researcher reached her conclusions. At times, I point out the limitations of a study, counter its conclusions, or discuss ethical lapses in the conduct of the research. In all these ways, my intention is to help students understand how claims about gender should be based on evidence and reasoning, and to learn to think critically about the production of knowledge.

A Positive Focus on Social Change One of the key features of this book is its positive message about social change. Studying the psychology of women and gender can be a rewarding experience for students. However, learning about sexism, discrimination, and the difficulty of changing the gender system can also be overwhelming. I have found that, even though most social science research focuses on problems, it is crucial to offer students a focus on solutions as well. In other words, it is important that students learn not only about problems created by the gender system, but also what is happening to solve them. Therefore, this book does more than focus on injustice and inequality. Every chapter ends with a section titled Making a Difference that focuses

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on social change. In keeping with the organizing theoretical framework of the book, social changes at the societal/cultural, interpersonal, and individual levels are presented and evaluated. Transforming psychology, and transforming the world, toward being more woman-friendly and gender-equal is an ongoing process. A central message of this book, and one that closes each chapter, is that every student can be a part of this transformation.

New in this Edition Transformations 3e reflects the most current research and theory, with more than 600 new references since the previous edition. Here, I list highlights of new and updated topics.

Chapter 1: Paving the Way

A new section on intersectionality An introduction to transnational feminism How the use of Internet samples is reducing sampling bias in research

Chapter 2: Gender, Status, and Power

New research on “doing gender” in online communication Micro-aggressions: An intersectional perspective Backlash against agentic and ambitious women “Mansplaining,” “manologues,” and conversational dominance How to change sexist attitudes NEW BOX: Malala Yousafzai

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Chapter 3: Images of Women

Updated research on sexist/nonsexist language Latest research on media images

“post-feminist” ads Latinas, African-American women female athletes in the media

An intersectional analysis of gender and ethnic stereotypes NEW BOX: The Bechdel Test (Does your Favorite Movie Pass This Handy Sexism Quiz?)

Chapter 4: The Meanings of Difference

Increased emphasis on meta-analysis, both usefulness and critique of concept of effect size, meaning of a small, medium, and large effect size moderator variables

The shrinking gender gap in math performance Intersectional approach to stereotype threat and stereotype boost Techniques for reducing or eliminating stereotype threat in vulnerable groups and equalizing opportunities for girls in math and science

Chapter 5: Sex, Gender, and Bodies

Extensively updated—still the only textbook in the field to present a social constructionist perspective on the concept of binary sex The most recent research on chromosomal and hormonal variations such as XYY syndrome, Turner syndrome, CAH

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New psychiatric classification, terminology and research on intersex, transgender, fluid, genderqueer, agender, and nonbinary identities

DSM category of gender dysphoria: definition; diagnosis in children, adolescents and adults; critique New evidence for genetic links in transgender reported and evaluated Psychological outcomes of gender affirmation (formerly termed sex change) surgery Psychological adjustment in transgender individuals

Genetic influences on sexual orientation Prenatal hormone exposure (CAH) and women’s sexual orientation Transphobia, genderism, hate crimes against trans people Updated information on third-sex categories in other cultures NEW BOXES:

Genderqueer pronouns: A New User’s Guide Research Focus: Life Experiences of Intersex People Caster Semenya, Dutee Chand, and Gender Verification of Female Athletes

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Chapter 6: Gendered Identities: Childhood and Adolescence

Strategies for teaching children to think critically about the stereotypical messages in their storybooks and on TV How and why some girls sustain a deviation from prescribed femininity by being “tomboys” throughout middle childhood Early sexualization of girls Meta-analyses and cross-cultural comparisons of gender and physical and relational aggression Sexual objectification in adolescent girls Sexual harassment in middle school and high school How to help adolescent girls stay “in the body” and reduce self-objectification NEW BOXES:

Little Kids Scope Out the Hidden Messages in Their Storybooks—And Come Up with Some Bright Ideas for Gender Equality The Gendered Toy Marketing Debate

Chapter 7: Sex, Love, and Romance

Chapter has been extensively updated to focus on contemporary issues Ideals of heteronormative romance vs. hookup practices (booty call, friends with benefits …) Gender differences and similarities in hookup experiences Early sexual initiation New research on the coming-out process for lesbian and bisexual women Sexual fluidity in women Intersections of ethnic and sexual identity New section on Internet dating Current research on sexual double standards Critique of abstinence-based sex education NEW BOXES:

Research Focus: Women’s Masturbation: Experiences of Sexual Empowerment in a Primarily Sex-Positive Sample Purity Balls and Virginity Pledges

Chapter 8: Commitments: Women and Close Relationships

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Changing patterns of heterosexual marriage The trend toward serial cohabitation and long-term singlehood among women Lesbian couples and lesbian marriages The psychological and economic consequences of divorce NEW BOXES:

Timeline/History of Marriage Equality for Gay/Lesbian Couples Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon: A Marriage to Remember

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Chapter 9: Mothering

An inclusive, intersectional perspective that includes teen mothers, single mothers, LBTQ, African- American mothers, and the place of fathers in childbirth and parenting Persistence of pronatalism and the motherhood mystique Child free by choice Infertility Updated information on abortion and attempts to restrict access Ethical issues in surrogate parenthood Attitudes toward pregnant women Risk factors for postpartum depression Family-friendly social policy and workplaces NEW BOX:

MomsRising.org: Grassroots Advocacy for Women, Mothers, and Families

Chapter 10: Work and Achievement

Updated research on women’s unpaid work Housework as real work, relational work, and the two-person career

Occupational segregation, the glass ceiling Gender bias in hiring and promotion Tokenism: An intersectional analysis The importance of mentoring Expectancies, values, and career paths (Eccles’ expectancy-values theory) Achieving work-life balance NEW BOX: Women in Startup Companies and Venture Capital

Chapter 11: The Second Half: Midlife and Aging

Ageism in individualistic and collectivistic cultures Images of older women in the media Social impact of age stereotypes Current research on menopause and hormone replacement therapy Exercise and fitness in middle and later life Older women’s sexuality: from the “cougar” to old age Lesbians in later life: visibility, sexuality, adjustment, couples, retirement Role changes of later life: becoming a grandmother, losing a life partner, retirement

Chapter 12: Violence against Women

New Section, Violence and Social Media, covers revenge porn, disseminating text messages without consent, other forms of non-consensual pornography, and new legal protections against these offenses

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http://MomsRising.org
New section, Stalking, includes cyberstalking

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Updated research on rape, sexual assault, and prevention programs aimed at men NEW BOX: It’s On Us: Intervening to reduce sexual assault on campuses

Chapter 13: Psychological Disorders, Therapy, and Women’s Well-Being

Continuing the focus of earlier editions, Feminist and social constructionist approach to psychological disorders puts psychological well-being in social and historical context Premenstrual Dysphoric Disorder (PMDD) in the DSM Objectification, ethnic group identification, and eating disorders PMDD as a culture-bound syndrome Pharmaceutical industry influence on DSM revisions NEW BOXES:

Judith Worrell: Pioneer in Feminist Therapy Prozac, Sarafem, and the Rebranding of Psycho-Pharmaceutical Drugs

Chapter 14: Making a Difference: Toward a Better Future for Women

Updated research on Ethnically diverse students’ attitudes toward feminism Feminists’ and nonfeminists’ attitudes toward men Feminist attitudes and psychological well-being in women

Transformations 3e is readable, lively, and easy to follow. It’s a student-friendly text, with a generous sprinkling of cartoons and photographs that brighten the pages. Finally, each chapter ends with “Exploring Further,” which offers new research resources, websites, and information for activism.

The third edition of Transformations: Women, Gender & Psychology, is now available online with Connect, McGraw-Hill Education’s integrated assignment and assessment platform. Connect also offers SmartBook for the new edition, which is the first adaptive reading experience proven to improve grades and help students study more effectively. All of the title’s website and ancillary content is also available through Connect, including:

A full Test Bank of multiple choice questions that test students on central concepts and ideas in each chapter. An Instructor’s Manual for each chapter with full chapter outlines, sample test questions, and discussion topics. Lecture Slides for instructor use in class and downloadable RAP forms.

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Acknowledgments

Writing a textbook is a daunting task. I could not have done it without the support of family, friends, and colleagues.

Annie B. Fox, PhD, wrote chapter 12, on gender-based violence, and updated Chapter 13, Psychological Disorders, Therapy, and Women’s Well-Being. Annie also conceived and wrote most of the lively text boxes that appear throughout the book. Thank you, Annie, for taking an increasing role in Transformations 3e, applying your classroom experience and psychological expertise to make it better than ever.

Chapter 13 was previously contributed by Britain Scott, who could not participate in this edition due to other commitments. Britain’s expertise remains visible in the innovative social constructionist approach, historical sweep, and approachable style of Chapter 13. I thank Britain again for her many contributions to the first two editions.

Christy Starr, graduate student at University of California Santa Cruz, was a capable and hardworking research assistant for this edition and also contributed the section on sexualization of girls in Chapter 6. Thank you, Christy, for your dedication to the project, feminist ideals, and strong work ethic. Thanks to Dawn M. Brown, graduate student at University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana, who offered guidance on gender identity terminology and pronoun use. Working with these strong and capable younger women gives me renewed hope that the feminist transformation of society will continue.

Thanks to Julia and David Apgar, Ben Chaffin, and Annie Duong for providing the photos of their dressed-up kids in Chapter 6, and to Alex Olson, a student at Normandale Community College in Minnesota, who helped me select the many new photographs that illustrate this edition.

I am grateful to the publishing pros at McGraw-Hill: Product Developer Francesca King, Portfolio Manager Jamie Laferrera, Content Licencing Specialist Melisa Seegmiller, and at ansrsource, Developmental Editor Anne Sheroff, and Photo Researcher Jennifer Blankenship.

I would also like to thank the pre-publication reviewers for this edition who generously provided me with feedback: John M. Adams, University of Alabama; Grace Deason, University of Wisconsin—La Crosse; Alishia Huntoon, Oregon Institute of Technology; Jamie Franco-Zamudio, Spring Hill College; Jennifer Katz, SUNY Geneseo; Shannon Quintana, Miami Dade College; Christine Smith, University of Wisconsin-Green Bay; Megan L. Strain, University of Nebraska at Kearney; and Katherine Urquhart, University of Central Florida.

I thank, too, the friends and family who put up with the absent-mindedness and crankiness of a writer in the throes of a big project, especially my partner Roger Chaffin. Because Roger is an accomplished cognitive psychologist, our dialogues about my work are helpful and constructive. He is there with day-to-day encouragement and tech support. Most important, because he is committed to an egalitarian relationship, I enjoy a balanced life of work and family, full of love, laughter, music, and adventure. Thank you, Roger.

Mary Crawford

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Part 1

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PART 1

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Introduction

CHAPTER 1 PAVING THE WAY 1

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Chapter 1

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CHAPTER 1

Paving the Way

• Beginnings How Did the Psychology of Women Get Started? Psychology and the Women’s Movement Voices from the Margins: A History

• What Is Feminism? Feminism Has Many Meanings Is There a Simple Definition?

• Methods and Values in Psychological Research Psychology’s Methods Toward Gender-Fair Research Feminist Values in Research

• Intersectionality

• About This Book

• A Personal Reflection

• Exploring Further

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This book is called Transformations. I hope you find this title intriguing. I chose it because we are living in an era when opportunities for girls and women have changed dramatically, and psychology has played a part in those changes. Still, gender equality is a transformation that is not yet complete. Consider the current situation:

Only 19 percent of the U.S. Congress and 12 percent of state governors are women. In the United States, women earn about 78 cents for every dollar earned by men. Worldwide, the difference is even greater—women earn only about 52 percent of what men earn. The United Nations estimates that 115 million women are missing from the global population—dead because, as females, they were unwanted. Women have been heads of state in 70 countries around the world, yet in others they lack basic human rights such as going to school.

Although some things have changed for the better, a worldwide wage gap, under-representation of women in positions of status and power, and significant problems of violence against girls and women persist. Gender, sexuality, and power are at the core of social controversies around the world.

Beginnings We are living in an era in which nothing about women, sexuality, and gender seems certain. Entering this arena of change, psychology has developed research and theory about women and gender. This branch of psychology is usually called feminist psychology, the psychology of women, or the psychology of gender (Russo & Dumont, 1997). Those who use the term feminist psychology tend to emphasize theoretical connections to women’s studies and social activism. Those who use psychology of women tend to focus on women’s lives and experiences as the topics of study. Those who use psychology of

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gender tend to focus on the social and biological processes that create differences between women and men. This book includes all these perspectives and uses all three terms. There is a lot to learn about this exciting field.

How Did the Psychology of Women Get Started?

As the women’s movement of the late 1960s made women and gender a central social concern, the field of psychology began to examine the bias that had characterized its knowledge about women. The more closely psychologists looked at the ways psychology had thought about women, the more problems they saw. They began to realize that women had been left out of many studies. Even worse, theories were constructed from a male-as-norm viewpoint, and women’s behavior was explained as a deviation from the male standard. Often, stereotypes of women went unchallenged. Good psychological adjustment for women was defined in terms of fitting into traditional feminine norms—marrying, having babies, and not being too independent or ambitious.

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When women behaved differently from men, the differences were likely to be attributed to their female biology instead of social influences (Marecek et al., 2002).

These problems were widespread. Psychologists began to realize that most psychological knowledge about women and gender was androcentric, or male-centered. They began to rethink psychological concepts and methods and to produce new research with women as the focus of study. Moreover, they began to study topics of importance to women and to develop ways of analyzing social relations between women and men. As a result, psychology developed new ways of thinking about women, expanded its research methods, and developed new approaches to therapy and counseling.

Women within psychology were an important force for change. Starting in the late 1960s, they published many books and articles showing how psychology was misrepresenting women and how it needed to change. One of the first was Naomi Weisstein (1968), who declared that the psychology of that era had nothing to say about what women are really like, what they need, and what they want because psychology did not know very much at all about women. Another was Phyllis Chesler, whose book Women and Madness (1972) claimed that psychology and psychiatry were used to control women.

The new feminist psychologists began to do research on topics that were previously ignored. The new field soon developed its own professional research journals focusing on the psychology of women or gender: for example, Sex Roles, which began publishing in 1975; Psychology of Women Quarterly (1976); Women and Therapy (1982); and Feminism & Psychology (1991). These journals were extremely important in providing outlets for research that might have seemed unorthodox, unimportant, or even trivial to the psychological establishment at the time. (I well remember my tenure interview, when a senior male faculty member on the committee looked up from my list of publications and said in genuine puzzlement, “But this isn’t research, it’s just a lot of stuff about women.” Luckily, I had also done some research with white rats, which apparently sufficed to prove that I was a real scientist). The research topics explored in those new journals opened a vast new field of knowledge. In 2011, upon the 35th anniversary of the APA journal Psychology of Women Quarterly, the editors looked back at the 100 most influential articles that had been published in the journal since its inception, and found that they could be grouped into four general themes: feminist research methods; women and girls in social context, including gender roles and sexism; violence against women; and women’s bodies and sexualities (Rutherford & Yoder, 2011). These areas are still important today and are key components of this book.

Teaching students about the psychology of women has been an important contribution of feminist psychology from the start. Before 1968, there were virtually no college courses in the psychology of women or gender. Today, undergraduate and graduate courses in women and gender studies are part of the standard course listings in many, if not most, psychology departments, and research on women, gender, and diversity is being integrated into the entire psychology curriculum, due to the efforts of professional groups such as APA’s Committee on Women in Psychology (Chrisler et al., 2013). The androcentric psychology of the past has been

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replaced by a more encompassing perspective that includes the female half of the population and acknowledges all kinds of human diversity (Morris, 2010).

The psychology of women and gender is rich in theoretical perspectives and research evidence. 29

The psychology of women and gender is rich in theoretical perspectives and research evidence. Virtually every area of psychology has been affected by its theories and research (Marecek et al., 2002). This book is an invitation to explore the knowledge and participate in the ongoing debates of feminist psychology.

Psychology and the Women’s Movement

The emergence of interest in women and gender took place in a social context marked by changing roles for women and the growth of a feminist social movement in the 1960s. Questioning psychology’s representation of women was part of the general questioning of women’s place that was led by women’s liberation activists.

The First and Second Waves

The women’s movement of the 1960s was not the first. A previous women’s rights movement had reached its peak more than a hundred years earlier with the Seneca Falls Declaration of 1848, which rejected the doctrine of female inferiority then taught by academics and clergy (Harris, 1984). However, this first wave of the women’s movement lost momentum in the 1920s, after women had won the vote, because women believed that voting would lead to political, social, and economic equality. Psychology’s interest in sex differences and gender waned.

With the rebirth of the women’s movement in the 1960s, researchers again became interested in the study of women and gender. Women psychologists and men who supported their goals also began to work toward improved status for women within the field of psychology. Feminist activism made a big difference for women of this era, who had been openly discriminated against. Psychologist Carolyn Sherif remembered it this way:

To me, the atmosphere created by the women’s movement was like breathing fresh air after years of gasping for breath…. I did not become a significantly better social psychologist between 1969 and 1972, but I surely was treated as a better social psychologist. (Sherif, 1983, p. 280)

Activists—mostly graduate students and newcomers to psychology—formed the Association for Women in Psychology (AWP) in 1969. At about the same time, others—mostly older, more established psychologists—lobbied the American Psychological Association (APA) to form a Division of the Psychology of Women. This Division 35 was officially approved in 1973. APA’s Committee on Women in Psychology (CWP) also was founded in 1973. Women in psychology had been protesting unfair treatment for over a century, but it was not until the resurgence of the feminist movement that they engaged in collective action and made their voices heard. The CWP has continued to engage in feminist activism on behalf of women in psychology for over 40 years (Chrisler et al., 2013). Divisions on ethnic minority psychology (Division 45), gay/lesbian issues (Division 44), and the study of men and masculinity (Division 51) were established later, with the support of Division 35.

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Progress in incorporating women also occurred among Canadian psychologists (Parlee, 1985) and the British Psychological Society, where there is now a Psychology of Women Section (Wilkinson, 1997a).

These organizational changes acknowledged the presence of diverse women in psychology and helped enhance their professional identity (Scarborough & Furumoto, 1987). And none too soon— women now earn 74 percent of PhDs awarded in psychology, and ethnic minorities earn 24 percent (American Psychological Association, 2014).

The Third Wave

AWP continues to thrive, holding annual conferences that welcome students. Division 35, now named the Society for the Psychology of Women, is one of the larger and more active divisions of APA. Feminist theory and activism continue to develop as younger women tackle some of the unfinished business of the first two waves, such as ensuring reproductive freedom, ending violence against girls and women, and integrating women into leadership positions.

Third-wave feminism developed in the 1990s as young women responded not only to the gains of second-wave feminism but also to its limitations. It is less connected to the psychological establishment than earlier feminist movements were. Some third-wave groups, such as the Riot grrrls, came out of the

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antiestablishment punk movement. Riot grrrl bands and zines of the 1990s often proclaimed the joys of women’s sexuality, self-reliance, and empowerment. One example of third wave feminist activism is the SlutWalk movement, which originated in Canada in 2011 after a Toronto police officer advised women to “avoid dressing like sluts” in order not to be raped. SlutWalks have since taken place in many cities around the world, a strategy to show that the victims of sexual assault are not to blame, while reclaiming a word that has been used to shame women.

Third-wave groups emphasize social activism—women working collectively for social justice—just as their second-wave counterparts did before them. Though the issues and the voices have changed, third- wave feminism is clearly connected to its foremothers’ visions (Baumgardner & Richards, 2000, 2005).

Voices from the Margins: A History

Until recently, the power to define and pursue knowledge has been largely in the hands of men. Men controlled the institutions of knowledge, and even when women acquired expertise, they did not always get the respect or status they deserved. History is full of stories about learned women whose work was attributed to their fathers, their brothers, their teachers, or “anonymous.”

One illustration of how a woman could have outstanding expertise and yet be denied legitimacy is the story of Mary Calkins (1863–1930), who attended Harvard University during the latter part of the 19th century. Because Harvard was an all-male university, she was permitted to take courses only if she sat behind a curtain or got private tutoring. Despite completing an impressive PhD dissertation, she was denied a PhD from Harvard because she was a woman. Nevertheless, Calkins taught for many years at Wellesley College, established an experimental laboratory there, and made important contributions to psychology. She was the first woman

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president of both the American Psychological Association and the American Philosophical Association. In 1927, toward the end of her life, a group of distinguished male psychologists and philosophers, all Harvard degree holders, wrote to the president of Harvard requesting that Calkins be awarded the degree that she had earned. Their request was refused (Scarborough & Furumoto, 1987).

Although Mary Calkins triumphed personally, her life illustrates the way even outstanding women may be marginalized. For example, she taught for her entire career at a small women’s college where she did not have doctoral students. Under these conditions, her theories and research projects did not receive the recognition and follow-up they deserved. Similar stories have been uncovered about other early feminist psychologists (Scarborough & Furumoto, 1987). If a woman scientist does not have the power to have her research and theories taken seriously and passed on to the next generation, she is being denied true equality.

By the early 1900s, women had begun to gain access to higher education in the United States and Europe. Some of the first scientifically trained women devoted their research efforts to challenging accepted wisdom about the extent and nature of sex differences. Helen Thompson Wooley conducted the first experimental laboratory study of sex differences in mental traits. In interpreting her results, she stressed the overall similarity of women’s and men’s performance. She also was openly critical of the antiwoman prejudices held by some male scientists, remarking daringly in a 1910 Psychological Bulletin article: “There is perhaps no field aspiring to be scientific where flagrant personal bias, logic martyred in the cause of supporting a prejudice, unfounded assertions, and even sentimental rot and drivel, have run riot to such an extent as here” (Wooley, 1910, p. 340).

The work of these pioneering women psychologists opened the way for research to replace unexamined assumptions about women’s so-called natural limitations (Rosenberg, 1982). Determined to demonstrate women’s capacity to contribute to modern science on an equal basis with men, they chose their research projects to challenge beliefs about women’s limitations. In a sense, their research projects were dictated by other people’s questions. Faced with the necessity of proving their very right to do research, these women labored to refute hypotheses that they did not find credible. Moreover, they worked in a social context that denied them opportunities because of their sex and forced them to make cruel choices between work and family relationships (Scarborough & Furumoto, 1987). Their story is one,

in many ways, of failure—of women restricted by simple prejudice to the periphery of academe, who never had access to the professional chairs of the major universities, who never commanded the funds to direct large-scale research, who never trained the graduate students who might have spread their influence, and who, by the 1920s, no longer had the galvanizing support of a woman’s movement to give political effect to their ideas (Rosenberg, 1982, p. xxi).

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The efforts of women and minorities remained voices from the margins until relatively recently (see Box 1.1). The existence of AWP, Division 35, women’s studies programs, and dozens of feminist journals guarantee that research on the psychology of women and gender will not fade away again as it did in the 1920s. Because the psychology of women developed in a social context of feminism, it is important to look closely at the relationship between the two.

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BOX 1.1 Women and the APA

For most of the APA’s 124-year history, women rarely served as president of the organization. Prior to 1970, only two women had been elected APA president. However, since the rise of the feminist movement beginning in the 1970’s, the number of women elected president of APA has continued to grow. In fact, since 2010, the members of APA have elected five female presidents. Susan H. McDonald, a distinguished professor and director of the Institute for the Family in the Department of Psychiatry at the University of Rochester, served as President of APA for 2016–2017.

Source: http://www.apa.org/about/governance/president/past-presidents.aspx

Contributed by Annie B. Fox

What Is Feminism? The writer Rebecca West noted in 1913: “I myself have never been able to find out precisely what feminism is: I only know that people call me a feminist whenever I express sentiments that differentiate me from a doormat” (quoted in Kramarae & Treichler, 1985, p. 160). Nearly 100 years later, third wave feminists Jennifer Baumgardner and Amy Richards (2000, p. 17) wrote, “For our generation, feminism is like fluoride. We scarcely notice that we have it—it’s simply in the water.” Along the way, there have been a lot of misconceptions. Exactly what is feminism and what does it mean to call oneself a feminist?

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Feminism Has Many Meanings

Contemporary feminist theory has many variants. Each can be thought of as a different lens through which to view the experiences of women, and, like different lenses, each is useful for focusing on particular phenomena.

What are the most influential feminist theoretical perspectives? In the United States, they include liberal, radical, womanist (woman of color), and cultural feminism. Belief in these different branches of feminism has been defined, reliably measured, and shown to predict people’s behavior (Henley et al.,

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http://www.apa.org/about/governance/president/past-presidents.aspx
1998). As feminism expands worldwide, there is a new emphasis on global feminism as well. Let’s look briefly at each perspective.

Liberal feminism is familiar to most people because it relies on deeply held American beliefs about equality—an orientation that connects it to political liberalism. From this perspective, a feminist is a person who believes that women are entitled to full legal and social equality with men and who favors changes in laws, customs, and values to achieve the goal of equality. The liberal feminist perspective has fostered research on such topics as how people react to others when they violate gender norms (Chapter 2), how children are socialized to accept gender roles (Chapters 4 and 6), and sex discrimination in employment (Chapter 10). It emphasizes the similarities between males and females, maintaining that given equal environments and opportunities, males and females will behave similarly.

Radical feminism emphasizes male control and domination of women throughout history. This perspective views the control of women by men as the first and most fundamental form of oppression: women as a group are oppressed by men as a group. According to radical feminists, oppression on the basis of being a woman is one thing all women have in common. Radical feminist theory has fostered much research on violence against women (see Chapter 12). Some radical feminists have endorsed separatism, the idea that women can escape patriarchy only by creating their own woman-only communities. For example, the Michigan Womyn’s Music Festival, an annual event for 40 years, was grounded in the radical tradition. Only women could attend, and many came year after year, treasuring this safe and empowering women’s space (Browne, 2011). The festival ended in 2015, partly over dissent about whether transgender women should be included (Ring, 2015).

Woman-of-color feminism, or womanism, began with criticism of the White women’s movement for excluding women of color; the word womanism was coined by African American writer Alice Walker. This type of feminism focuses on issues of importance to minority communities: poverty, racism, jobs, health care, and access to education. In general, womanists do not see men of color as their oppressors but as brothers who suffer the effects of racism just as women of color do; therefore, womanism is particularly inclusive of men and rejects the notion of separatism. People who adopt this feminist perspective emphasize the effects of racial stereotyping (Chapter 3) and prejudice (Chapters 2 and 10). They also point out the strengths and positive values of minority communities, such as the multigenerational support and closeness of African American families (Chapter 9).

Cultural feminism emphasizes differences between women and men. This perspective stresses that qualities characteristic of women have been devalued and should be honored and respected in society. It views some gender differences in

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values and social behaviors as either an essential part of womanhood or so deeply socialized that they are virtually universal and unlikely to change—for example, the tendency for women to be more nurturing and caring than men. Cultural feminism has been useful in understanding the importance of unpaid work contributed by women, such as caring for the young, the ill, and the elderly (Chapters 9–11).

Feminism is a worldwide social movement. Global feminism focuses on how prejudice and discrimination against women are related across cultures, and how they are connected to neocolonialism and global capitalism. Issues of special concern to global feminists include sweatshop labor, unequal access to health care and education, sex trafficking, and violence against girls and women in developing countries (Chapter 12). An important part of global feminism is the recognition that Western feminists do not have all the answers for women from other cultures. For example, in some societies women are strongly pressured to undergo genital cutting (Chapter 7) or required to veil their faces and bodies in public. Though Western women may criticize these practices, it is important to remember that Western society also restricts women’s bodily freedom and integrity through practices like sexual harassment in public places and pressure to seek the perfect body through dieting and cosmetic surgery (Chapters 2, 3, and 11). All around the world, women bear a disproportionate burden of the inequalities caused by colonialism, global capitalism, and economic exploitation. Understanding gender oppression in conjunction with these other kinds of power imbalances is the work of transnational feminism, and it requires structural analysis as well as individual-level analysis (Else-Quest & Grabe, 2012; Grabe & Else- Quest, 2012).

The diversity of frameworks and values in feminist thought may seem confusing, but it is also healthy and productive. Different feminist perspectives can be used to develop and compare diverse viewpoints on women’s experiences. This book draws on a variety of feminist perspectives, using each as a lens to

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help clarify particular topics, and sometimes comparing several feminist perspectives on an issue. However, within psychology, liberal feminism and cultural feminism have generated more debate and research than any other views. Therefore, Chapter 4 is devoted to contrasting liberal and cultural feminist perspectives on the question, “Just how different are women and men?”

Is There a Simple Definition?

Feminist perspectives share two important themes. First, feminism values women as important and worthwhile human beings. Second, feminism recognizes the need for social change if women are to lead secure and satisfying lives. Perhaps the simplest definition of a feminist is an individual who holds these basic beliefs: that women are valuable and that social change to benefit women is needed. The core social change that feminists advocate is an end to all forms of domination, those of men over women and those among women (Kimball, 1995). Therefore, perhaps the simplest definition of feminism is one proposed by Black feminist theorist bell hooks (1984): it is a movement to end sexism and sexist oppression. (The definition and implications of sexism are explored more fully in Chapter 2.) Broad definitions allow feminists to work for political and social change together, while recognizing that ideas about how to reach their goals may differ.

Can men be feminists? Certainly! Men can hold the values I’ve described as feminist: they can value women as worthwhile human beings and work for social

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change to reduce sexism and sex discrimination. Some men who share these values call themselves feminists. Others prefer the label profeminist, believing that this term acknowledges women’s leadership of the feminist movement and expresses their understanding that women and men have different experiences of gender.

Feminist perspectives in general can be contrasted to conservatism (Henley et al., 1998). Social conservatives seek to keep gender arrangements as they have been in much of the past, with men holding more public power and status and women being more or less defined by their sexuality and their roles as wives and mothers. Conservatives often urge a return to what they consider the good old days when there were (apparently) no lesbian, gay, or transgendered people, good young women all got married and produced babies, abortion and divorce were out of the question, and the world of work and achievement was a man’s world.

The conservative view has usually been justified on the grounds of biology or religion. The biological justification states that gender-related behaviors are determined by innate and unchangeable biological differences far more than by social conditions. Therefore, women should not try to do things that go against their nature. For example, if women are biologically destined to be more nurturing due to the fact that they are the sex that gives birth, it is unnatural and wrong for women to limit their childbearing or take on jobs that may interfere with their nurturing roles. The religious justification (often combined with the biological justification) is that a supreme being ordains female submission and subordination. For example, some religions teach that women must be obedient to their husbands; others forbid contraception, or grant only men the right to divorce. Some forbid women to be in positions of authority or spiritual power. Well into the 21st century, the Roman Catholic Church maintains that ordaining women as priests is a sin on a par with child sexual abuse (Vatican Angers Many, 2010). Just a few years earlier, the Southern Baptist Church urged a return to female submission as a solution to social problems such as child abuse and violence against women. In a perversion of conservative religious doctrine, the radical Islamists of ISIS use religion to justify the serial rape and sex slavery of women they hold captive (Callimachi, 2016).

Over the past 40 years, attitudes toward women have grown less conservative and more liberal in the United States (Donnelly et al., 2016). However, social conservatism is still a powerful political force, and more subtle forms of prejudice against women have emerged (see Chapter 2). The history of women in psychology teaches us that psychologists are not immune to such prejudice. The attitudes that permeate a culture also seep into scientific research. One important goal of feminist psychology is to challenge hidden biases in research and thus to foster better research on women and gender.

Methods and Values in Psychological Research

Psychology’s Methods

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Psychologists use a variety of research methods to answer their questions. The diversity of methods allows psychologists to tailor a method that is right for the question they seek to answer.

Most psychologists use quantitative methods: those that involve measuring behavior, averaging it over a group of people, and comparing groups with statistical

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tests. Ideally, quantitative methods allow for the use of random samples, so that the results can be generalized, or applied to more people than just the few who were studied.

Some quantitative methods, such as surveys, are largely descriptive: they report the beliefs, attitudes, or opinions of groups of people. A good example is the public opinion poll, where attitudes toward gay marriage or affirmative action are assessed. In the interests of efficiency, all participants are asked the same questions. Therefore, it is extremely important that the survey is designed to ask the right questions, and to provide meaningful answer options.

Correlational studies can determine whether two or more variables are related to each other, but they cannot determine whether that relationship is causal. For example, correlational research has demonstrated that, as more American women began to work outside the home over the past 40 years, the divorce rate rose. But it cannot answer the question of why women’s work and the divorce rate rose together. Is it because working women are not good wives? Or because women who can support themselves are less likely to stay in bad marriages? Or perhaps it’s because there has been a widespread shift away from traditional attitudes during the last 40 years, so that both divorce and women’s working are more socially acceptable? Other kinds of research are needed to answer questions of causality on this topic—research that I’ll describe in Chapters 8 and 10.

If a researcher is interested in change over time within the same individuals, she might use a longitudinal design, measuring variables at two or more points in time. An example would be to ask couples about their marital satisfaction both before and after the birth of their first child. Statistical techniques allow the researcher to see which variables at Time 1 predict behavior at Time 2. Another approach is to do archival research, where the researcher looks for relationships among variables in a preexisting set of data such as national test scores.

Many psychologists rely on experiments, in which one or more variables are systematically manipulated to determine whether there is a causal relationship among them. Experiments are often considered the gold standard of methods, because finding out whether a change in Variable A causes a change in Variable B is important to scientific understanding and theory building. Moreover, most experiments are done under carefully controlled laboratory conditions, which increases psychologists’ confidence that they are measuring variables accurately.

Other psychological research methods are qualitative: they explore a topic in an open-ended way, without trying to systematically count or manipulate behaviors. Interviews (usually individual) and focus groups (usually groups of 3–12) are the qualitative methods most often used in psychology and women’s studies (O’ Shaughnessy & Krogman, 2012). Often, researchers summarize qualitative data by grouping participants’ comments by theme; they may also quote the participants directly. Sometimes, participants’ talk is analyzed using one of a variety of approaches grouped under the term discourse analysis. Other examples of qualitative research are the case study (an in-depth study of a single individual) and the ethnography, in which the researcher works within a community and tries to learn its customs and beliefs. Qualitative methods provide an intimate look at participants’ thoughts and feelings. However, because they generally use small, nonrandom samples and non-numerical measures, qualitative studies are not easily generalized to larger populations.

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I’ve used most of these quantitative and qualitative methods myself, as I’ve studied women and gender over the course of my career. What I’ve learned by doing research is that each method has its strengths and weaknesses. As I describe research (my own and others’) for you throughout this book, I will tell you what method was used, and I will remind you from time to time that the results of scientific research are always limited and subject to interpretation.

Scientific research is often represented to students as a purely objective process in which a neutral, disinterested scientist investigates and reveals the secrets of nature. However, psychology has sometimes been anything but neutral in explaining the behavior of women. Feminist psychologists have identified specific methodological flaws in traditional research on women.

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Toward Gender-Fair Research

Let’s look briefly at the research process. The researcher starts by generating a question to be answered by gathering information systematically. The question may originate in a theory, a personal experience, or an observation, or it may be raised by previous research. The next step is to develop a systematic strategy for answering the question—often called designing the research. In the design stage, a method is selected, such as experiment, survey, or case study. Research participants are chosen, materials such as questionnaires or laboratory setups are devised, and ways to measure the behaviors in question are decided on.

Next, the data are collected and analyzed so that patterns of results become clear. Because most psychologists rely on quantitative methods, statistical techniques are usually used for this task. The researcher then interprets the meaning of his or her results and draws conclusions from them. If reviewers and journal editors judge the research to be well conducted and important, the results are published in a scientific journal where they can influence future research and theory. Some research makes its way from journals into textbooks, influencing teachers and students as well as other researchers. Some even gets reported in the mass media, opening the possibility that it may influence millions of readers’ and viewers’ beliefs.

Biases can enter into the research process at any stage. In describing a few common types of bias at each stage, I will focus on gender-related examples. However, the principles of gender-fair research also apply to eliminating biases related to such characteristics as race/ethnicity, social class, or sexual orientation (Denmark et al., 1988).

Question Formulation

The process of creating research questions is perhaps the most neglected and understudied part of the scientific enterprise. Unexamined personal biases and androcentric theories may lead to biased research questions. Gender stereotypes related to the topic can bias the question and therefore the outcome of the study.

For example, in the past, many studies of leadership defined it in terms of dominance, aggression, and other stereotypically male attributes. It is only recently that psychologists have developed more inclusive definitions of leadership that include the ability to negotiate, to be considerate of others, and to help others resolve

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conflicts without confrontation—the “people skills” that make leaders more effective. Another example of bias in question formulation is found in the large amount of past research on mothers who worked outside the home. Much of it focused on the question of whether the mothers’ work endangered their children’s psychological welfare. There was much less research on whether fathers’ work endangered their children’s welfare or on whether mothers’ employment might benefit mothers or children.

Designing Research

In the design phase of research, one important aspect is deciding how to measure the behaviors under study. If the measures are biased, the results will be, too. An extreme example of a biased measure comes from a survey study of women’s sexuality. Participants were asked to describe their roles in sexual intercourse by choosing one of the following responses: passive, responsive, resistant, aggressive, deviant, or other. The outcome of this research might have been very different if women had also been allowed to choose from alternatives such as active, initiating, playful, and joyous (Bart, 1971; Wallston & Grady, 1985).

Choice of research participants is subject to many possible biases. Since the 1940s psychology has come to rely more and more on college student samples, creating biases of age, social class, and developmental stage (Sears, 1986). And the college students who participate in psychological research are not even representative of all American college students, because they are likely to be drawn mostly from introductory psychology courses, and because research is done mainly at universities and elite colleges, not at community colleges and less selective ones. The psych department subject pool may be a handy way for researchers to fill their quota, but it is far from representative of humanity!

Another important bias in choosing participants is that, for most of psychology’s history, males were 36

Another important bias in choosing participants is that, for most of psychology’s history, males were more likely to be studied than females, and male-only studies were considered representative of people in general. In contrast, when researchers used an all-female sample, they were more likely to state it in the article’s title, to discuss their reasons for studying women, and to point out that their results could not be generalized to men (Ader & Johnson, 1994). It seems that psychologists felt it was important to indicate the limitations of an all-female sample, but they saw nothing remarkable about an all-male sample—males were the norm.

Other types of sampling bias still persist. Research on ethnic minority people of both sexes is scarce except when they are seen as creating social problems (Reid & Kelly, 1994). There has been abundant research on teen pregnancy among African American women, for example, but little research on their leadership, creativity, or coping skills for dealing with racism. Poor and working-class women, too, were virtually ignored (Bing & Reid, 1996; Reid, 1993). And women who happen not to be heterosexual will have trouble finding people like themselves in psychological research. Reviews of all psychological studies published from 1975 to 2009 have shown that nonheterosexual people were included in less than 1 percent of research, and lesbians and bisexual women were significantly less likely to be studied than gay and bisexual men (Lee & Crawford, 2007, 2012).

Many well-known psychologists, both female and male, have pointed out that psychology, supposedly the science of human behavior, is more accurately described

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as the science of the behavior of college sophomores, and straight White male college sophomores at that. Fortunately, many of the sampling biases I’ve described are declining. For example, the proportion of studies that include only men has been decreasing since the 1970s (Gannon et al., 1992), and the proportion of psychological research with low-income and working-class women has increased significantly in the past decade (Reid, 2011). The availability of Internet samples has broadened psychology’s base beyond college students, too.

Analyzing Data: A Focus on Differences

Psychologists have come to rely on quantitative methods, and therefore they almost always use statistical tests in data analysis. Over the past 35 years, both the number of articles using statistics and the number of statistical tests per article have increased. Statistics can be a useful tool, but they also can lead to conceptual difficulties in research on sex and gender.

Statistical models lead to a focus on differences rather than similarities. The logic of statistical analysis involves comparing two groups to see if the average difference between them is statistically significant. Unfortunately, it is not easy to make meaningful statements about similarities using statistical reasoning.

It is also unfortunate that statisticians chose the term significant to describe the outcome of a set of mathematical operations. As used by most people the word means important, but as used by statisticians it means only that the obtained difference between two groups is unlikely to be due to mere chance. A statistically significant difference does not necessarily have any practical or social significance (Favreau, 1997). The meaning and interpretation of difference will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 4.

Interpreting and Publishing Research Results

Psychology’s focus on group differences affects the ways that results are interpreted and conveyed to others. One type of interpretation bias—termed overgeneralization—occurs when gender differences in performing a specific task are interpreted as evidence of a more general difference, perhaps even one that is considered permanent and unchangeable. For example, because samples of highly gifted junior- high boys score higher on SAT math tests than similar samples of girls, some psychologists have argued that males in general have a biological superiority in math ability.

Another kind of interpretation bias occurs when the performance style more typical of girls or women is given a negative label. For example, girls get better grades in school in virtually every subject, but this is not usually interpreted as evidence that they are superior in intelligence. Instead, girls’ academic achievement may be discounted; they are sometimes said to get good grades by being nice or compliant.

Overgeneralizing and other interpretation biases encourage us to think of men and women as two 37

Overgeneralizing and other interpretation biases encourage us to think of men and women as two totally separate categories. But it is simply not true that “men are from Mars, women from Venus.” On many traits and behaviors, men and women are far more alike than different. Even when a statistically significant difference is found, there is always considerable overlap between the two groups (see Chapter 4).

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Problems of interpretation are compounded by publication biases. Because of reliance on the logic of statistical analysis, studies that report differences between women and men are more likely to be published than those that report similarities. Moreover, the editorial boards of most journals still are predominately made up of White men, who may perhaps see topics relevant to women and ethnic minorities as less important than topics relevant to people more like themselves (Denmark et al., 1988). Until feminist psychology was formed, there was very little psychological research on pregnancy and mothering, women’s leadership, violence against women, or gender issues in therapy.

Bias continues after publication. The media notice some findings, but others are overlooked. Television and the popular press often actively publicize the latest discoveries about gender differences. Of course, some of these differences may not be very important, and others may not hold up in future research, but the public is less likely to hear about that, because gender similarities are not news.

In summary, research is a human activity, and the biases held by those who do research can affect any stage of the process. As more diverse people become psychologists, they are bringing new values, beliefs, and research questions. They also may question and challenge the biases in others’ research. Feminist psychologists have led the way by demonstrating that gender bias exists in psychological research and showing how it can be reduced.

Gender-fair research is not value-free; that is, gender-fair research practices do not eliminate value judgments from the research process. Androcentric research is based on the value judgment that men and their concerns are more important and worthy of study than women and their concerns. In contrast, gender-fair research is based on the value judgment that women and men and their concerns are of equal worth and importance (Eichler, 1988).

Feminist Values in Research

Although feminist psychologists have been critical of psychology, they remain committed to it, expressing feminist values in their work (Grossman et al., 1997). What are some of these values?

Empirical Research Is a Worthwhile Activity

Although feminist psychologists recognize that science is far from perfect, they value its methods. Scientific methods are the most systematic way yet devised to answer questions about the natural and social world. Rather than abandon those methods or endlessly debate whether there is one perfect feminist way to do research, they go about their work using a rich variety of methods, theories, and approaches (Kimmel & Crawford, 2000; Rutherford, 2011).

Research Methods Should Be Critically Examined

Feminist theorists have pointed out that methods are not neutral tools; the choice of method always shapes and constrains what can be found (Kimmel & Crawford, 2000). For example, which is the better way to study female sexuality—by measuring physiological changes during arousal and orgasm or by

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interviewing women about their subjective experiences of arousal and orgasm? The two methods might produce very different discoveries about female sexuality (Tiefer, 1989).

Traditionally, experimentation has been the most respected psychological method. However, experimental methods have been criticized for at least two reasons. First, in an experiment, the researcher creates an artificial environment and manipulates the experience of the participants. Because of this artificiality, behavior in the laboratory may not be representative of behavior in other situations (Sherif, 1979). Second, experiments are inherently hierarchical, with “the powerful, all-knowing

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researchers instructing, observing, recording, and sometimes deceiving the subjects” (Peplau & Conrad, 1989). The inequality of the experimental situation may be particularly acute when the researcher is male and the person being studied is female (McHugh et al., 1986).

On the other hand, many important advances in understanding women and gender have come about because of experimental results. For example, experimental research has helped us understand gender stereotypes and their impact (see Chapter 3). Just as any research method can be used in biased ways, any method can be used toward the goal of understanding women and gender (Rutherford, 2011). When a variety of methods are used, results based on different approaches can be compared with each other, and a richer and more complete picture of women’s lives will emerge.

Both Women and Men Can Conduct Feminist Research

Most feminist researchers in psychology are women. The membership of APA’s Division 35 is more than 90 percent female, and women have been leaders in developing new theories and conducting new research about women and gender ever since the first women earned their PhDs in psychology. However, it is important not to equate female with feminist and male with nonfeminist. Women who are psychologists work in every area from physiological to clinical psychology. Women psychologists may or may not personally identify as feminists, and even when they do, they may not bring a feminist perspective to their research. Also, male psychologists can identify as feminist. Men can and do conduct research on women and gender, and many conduct research on masculinity, men’s lives, and male gender roles. Of course, all psychologists—male and female, feminist and nonfeminist—should, at a minimum, try to conduct their research in gender-fair ways and work to eliminate gender bias from their professional practices and behaviors.

Science Can Never Be Fully Objective or Value-Neutral

Science is done by human beings, all of whom bring their own perspectives to their work, based on their personal backgrounds. Because the perspectives of dominant groups in a society are normative, they are not always recognized as being infused with dominant group values. When others—women and minorities, for example—question the assumptions of the dominant group, the underlying values are made more visible.

One of the most important insights of feminism is that research and the creation of knowledge do not occur in a social vacuum. Rather, each research project or

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theory is situated in a particular period in history and a particular social context. The psychology of women and gender is not unique in being affected by social currents such as feminism, conservatism, and liberalism. All of psychology is affected. Moreover, psychology in turn affects social issues and social policy through providing ways to interpret human behavior. Because psychology is a cultural institution, doing psychological research is inevitably a political act (Crawford & Marecek, 1989).

Although the effects of values on the scientific process are inevitable, they need not be negative for women. Like many other feminist psychologists, I believe that psychology should admit its values and acknowledge that they are part of the research process (Crawford & Marecek, 1989). Opening our values to scrutiny can only strengthen our research. An awareness of the politics of science can help feminist psychologists use science to foster social change and improve women’s lives (Peplau & Conrad, 1989).

Social, Historical, and Political Forces Shape Human Behavior

Because feminists believe that gender equality is possible, although it has not yet been achieved, they are sensitive to the ways that social contexts and forces shape people’s behavior and limit human potential. Feminist psychologists try to understand not only the effects of gender, but also the effects of other systems of social classification such as race, social class, and sexuality. They try to clarify the ways that sociocultural forces, as well as biological and psychological ones, affect behavior.

Feminist psychologists respect the diversity of women and recognize that it is important to study varied groups. For example, White U.S. women generally have lower self-esteem than men, but this is not true of African American women. Such differences can show how women’s psychology is affected by their social and cultural backgrounds, not just their biology.

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Intersectionality Women are not all alike, and we shouldn’t assume that all women have a lot in common simply because they are women. For example, a woman who is wealthy and privileged might have more in common with wealthy and privileged men than with a woman who has been poor all her life. An African American or Latina woman shares more with African American or Latino men when it comes to the lived experience of racism than she does with White women. Lesbians share what it’s like to be in a sexual minority with gay men, bisexuals, and transgender people, not with heterosexual women. Women of color and white women may both encounter sexism, but in different ways. Age and disability can be dimensions of discrimination for both women and men. All these examples illustrate the concept of intersectionality: each individual is a member of many social groups, and membership in all these groups has consequences for individual identity and social position. The most important groups in the eyes of society are gender, race, class, and sexuality.

Intersectionality is a key theoretical principle in feminist studies, a contribution of Black feminist theorists who observed that women of color often experience simultaneous discrimination on the basis of gender and race (Cole, 2009).

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Acknowledging the intersection of social identities allows researchers to understand multiple oppressions—and also the effects of being relatively privileged on some dimensions but not on others.

Intersectionality is an important theoretical principle for psychological research. Feminist psychologist Elizabeth Cole (2009) has proposed that taking intersectionality seriously prompts us to ask three questions about our research designs:

Who is included in a category? The category “female” includes women of different social classes, ethnicities, sexualities, and age groups. Asking who is included in a category can encourage researchers to represent those who have been overlooked in past research and prevent misconceptions about members of minority groups. What role does inequality play? Social categories such as gender, race, class and sexuality are not mere differences; they are also dimensions of power and status. Membership in these categories places individuals in positions of relative advantage/disadvantage to each other, and can affect their perceptions and their life experiences, even their health and their exposure to violence. Gender, power, and status, and their links to prejudice and discrimination on other dimensions of social identity, are explored in Chapter 2. Where are there similarities? Even groups that may seem fundamentally different may have common ground that can be discovered if researchers look at their behavior and experience, instead of thinking of them as mere categories.

Psychology’s long history of androcentric bias and omitting diverse people from its knowledge base is changing at last. This broadens the way to understanding how individuals’ intersecting identities and the life experiences that they lead to are related to larger social structures and systematic oppression (Rosenthal, 2016). Throughout this book, I take an intersectionalist perspective on women’s lives, including gender stereotypes, physical and psychological gender differences, gender socialization, relationships, sexuality, parenting, work, physical health, aging, and psychological well-being.

About This Book This book draws on the work of hundreds of psychologists, both women and men, who have contributed to the ongoing process of transforming psychology. It also draws on the work of feminist theorists and researchers in other disciplines, including philosophy, history, anthropology, sociology, political science, and cultural studies. This book, then, provides both a critique of androcentric knowledge about women and an introduction to the groundbreaking research that has emerged from feminist psychology.

As you read the chapters that follow, you will see that certain threads run through them. Three of these threads in particular are important to highlight at the start. First, women have not yet achieved full equality with men. There are persistent differences in power and social standing that shape women’s lives. In many cultures and time periods, women have been treated as second-class citizens. Some of the inequalities are glaring—such as denying women the right to vote, own property, use public spaces, or make decisions about our own bodies. Other

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inequalities are more subtle—such as being subjected to everyday sexist hassles or being paid less at work. Everywhere, power differences are implicated in the shocking worldwide prevalence of violence against girls and women. Gender, power, and social status are so important that they are the focus of Chapter 2. The causes and effects of various kinds of violence against girls and women are highlighted in Chapter 12.

A second thread that runs throughout this book concerns differences and similarities. Women and men are not complete opposites of each other. Rather, there is a great deal of overlap in the psychology of women and men. Gender differences are important, but we should also think about gender similarities. When gender differences do occur, we should ask where they come from and how they connect to differences in power and social position.

A third thread that runs throughout this book is that psychology can contribute to social change. Traditionally, psychologists have focused on changing individuals. They have developed techniques to change attitudes, increase insight and self-understanding, teach new behavioral skills, and reduce or eliminate self-defeating thinking and behaviors. They have applied these techniques in a variety of educational and therapeutic settings. In this book there are many examples of how feminist psychology has adapted and used these techniques.

However, research on women and gender indicates that there are limits to the power of individual change. Many of the problems that confront women are the result of social structures and practices that put women at a disadvantage and interfere with their living happy, productive lives. Social-structural problems cannot be solved solely through individual changes in attitudes and behavior; rather, the social institutions that permit the devaluation and victimization of women must also be changed. Therefore, throughout this book I discuss the implications of psychological research for changing institutions such as traditional marriage, language use, child rearing, the workplace, and the media. Every chapter ends with a section called Making a Difference, which showcases how individuals and groups are changing society toward a more feminist ideal.

A Personal Reflection Because I believe that personal values shape how a researcher approaches his or her topic, I would like to share with you a little about myself and the experiences and values that shaped the writing of this book.

I started out as a psychologist in the field of learning theory. I was taught that to be a good scientist I must separate my personal or social concerns from my scientific problem solving. My dissertation was an analysis of species-specific reactions in rats and their effects on classical and operant conditioning. I enjoyed doing research. It was exciting to learn how to design a good study, do statistical tests, and write an article for publication. Learning theory is one of the oldest branches of psychology; methods and theories were highly developed, and I could learn how to do it all from well-established experts. My mentor and dissertation advisor was a good scientist and a kind man who treated me with respect. He understood that as

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a single mom with two young children I was juggling a lot of competing demands, and he encouraged me to become the best researcher I could.

However, soon after I completed my PhD research, my feelings about being a psychologist began to change. More and more, my research seemed like a series of intellectual puzzles that had no connection to the rest of my life. In the lab, I studied abstract theories of conditioning, accepting the assumption that the principles were similar for rats and humans. In the “real world,” I became involved in feminist activism and began to see things I had never noticed before. I saw sex discrimination in my university and knew women who struggled to hold their families together in poverty. Trying to build a new egalitarian marriage and bring up my children in nonsexist ways made me much more aware of social pressures to conform to traditional gender roles. I began to ask myself why I was doing a kind of psychology that had so little to say about the world as I knew it. I turned to the study of women and gender in order to make my personal and intellectual life congruent and to begin using my skills as a psychologist on behalf of social change.

Today, I still value my early research for teaching me how to go about scientific inquiry systematically and responsibly, but I have changed my views about what the important questions in psychology are and which theoretical frameworks have the most potential. I chose to develop a new specialization, the study

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of women and gender, and I have been doing research in this area ever since. I write this book in the hope that it will contribute in some small way to the creation of a transformed psychology, by introducing the psychology of women to the next generation of students (and future psychologists).