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The __________ was set up as a federation of many separate craft unions.

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90


Chapter Four


Union Structure and Government Employers and labor unions are governed differently. Employees are hired to perform tasks to accomplish employer-defined objectives. Most have little voice in choosing the objectives. These are determined by high- level managers who are monitored by owners or by boards of directors elected by shareholders or, in the case of public agencies, by their elected or appointed boards. Managers are responsible to their constituencies: a corporation’s owners or shareholders or a city’s voters. Union goals reflect member interests. Union leaders must be generally responsive to member desires in order to remain in office.


This chapter examines the organizational components, functions, and governance of unions and how these relate to and involve the member- ship. This chapter addresses the following major questions:


1. How is the union movement organized and governed? 2. What roles do local unions, nationals, and the AFL-CIO play? 3. How do national union organizational structures and internal politics


differ? 4. How has the union movement changed in response to declining


membership?


The U.S. labor structure has three distinct levels: the local union, the national union, and the labor federations. These are described in the fol- lowing sections.


THE LOCAL UNION


The local union represents employees in day-to-day dealings with the employer. Local union jurisdictions are defined along four major dimen- sions: (1) the type of work performed or the industry in which it is accomplished (craft and industrial jurisdictions), (2) a specified geo- graphic area, (3) the type of activity involved (organizing, bargaining, and


Chapter 4 Union Structure and Government 91


so on), and (4) the level of union government applying the jurisdiction. 1 A local’s constituency varies within these parameters. Many local unions operate in a specific municipality, represent workers in a single industry or trade, and frequently bargain with a single employer.


Examples include a relatively small unit (less than 100) of close-knit employees who work for a single employer, a large unit of employees from a mix of semi- or unskilled jobs who work for a single employer in one or more plants located in a single city, a skilled trade unit whose members work for many employers and whose employment changes frequently, and a unit whose members work for many different employers in different types of jobs. Units in these examples might typify a professional local, a manufac- turing company local, a building trades local, and a general local. 2


Local unions are most often chartered by and affiliated with a national union (e.g., a local union representing auto parts industry workers affili- ated with the United Auto Workers). Occasionally, local unions will directly affiliate with the AFL-CIO or remain independent. Independent locals form where employees of a particular employer (often within a single plant) organize without external assistance. Some independent unions predate the Wagner Act and are adaptations of company unions originally created with employer assistance, often to avoid representation by a local established by a national union.


A local union’s jurisdiction affects its size, constitution, officers, and organizational structure. A president, vice president, recording secretary, financial secretary, treasurer, and sergeant at arms, as well as trustees, are usually elected. Unless the local is large, these posts are part-time and usu- ally unpaid. Locals with over 1,000 members are likely to have full-time paid officers. Higher-level local union officers in larger units are generally granted leaves of absence by their employers to serve in the position. As local officers, they are responsible to their national unions and the local’s members, and they also remain attached to their employer. Only about one-third of current top-level officers got their positions by defeating an incumbent. Most were elected following a retirement or were appointed. Most presidents are able to successfully endorse a successor. About half of all local presidents who are full-time officers return to bargaining-unit jobs after they leave office. 3


Locals dealing with several employers often hire a business agent. Business agents ensure that contracts are being followed and refer members to available employment. They are most necessary where local members


1 J. Barbash, American Unions: Structure, Government, and Politics (New York: Random House, 1967). 2 G. Strauss, “Union Democracy,” in G. Strauss, D. G. Gallagher, and J. Fiorito, eds., The State of the Unions (Madison, WI: Industrial Relations Research Association, 1991), pp. 201–236. 3 M. J. Goldberg, “Top Officers of Local Unions,” Labor Studies Journal, 19, no. 4 (1995), pp. 3–23.


92 Labor Relations


work on a project basis and move between employers as work is finished on one project and becomes available on another. 4


Two major committees operate within most locals: the executive committee, which is made up of the local’s officers, and the grievance or negotiation committee. The executive committee establishes local policy; the negotiation committee reviews members’ grievances and negotiates with management over grievances and contract changes. Other committees deal with organizing and membership, welfare, recreation, and political action.


At the work-unit level, stewards are elected or appointed. Stewards police first-line supervisors’ compliance with the contract. Stewards rep- resent grievants to the employer. They collect dues and solicit participa- tion in union activities. Many collective bargaining contracts recognize the vulnerability of the steward’s advocative position by according it superseniority. Stewards are, by definition, the most senior members of the unit. Stewards often do not have experience representing employees before they assume their positions. Union training helps them learn their responsibilities, particularly understanding the goals of the union move- ment, understanding the contract, and communicating with members. 5 Stewards are activists. Most are involved in other organizations outside their jobs. They average about 12 years of job experience and about 5.5 years of steward experience. About half are appointed, and only about 25 percent are opposed in elections. 6 While stewards are union activists, union leaders are identified most closely with being grievance handlers or representatives who recognize their functional roles in the bargaining unit and operate using a rational perspective. 7 In order to be effective, stewards need to be well versed with regard to their legal rights and protections. 8


Local Union Democracy Local union governance is like municipal politics in smaller cities. Elections usually generate only moderate interest. Incumbents are usually reelected unless the rank and file believes a critical issue has been mishandled. A local typically holds regular open business meetings. These meetings tend to be fairly mundane unless contract negotiations are approaching, and they deal mostly with reporting disbursements, communications, and pending grievances.


4 L. R. Sayles and G. Strauss, The Local Union, rev. ed. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1967), pp. 2–5. 5 B. Broadbent, “Identifying the Education Needs of Union Stewards,” Labor Studies Journal, 14 (1989), pp. 28–45. 6 P. A. Roby, “Becoming Shop Stewards: Perspectives on Gender and Race in Ten Trade Unions,” Labor Studies Journal, 20, no. 3 (1995), pp. 65–82. 7 T. F. H. Chang, “Local Union Leaders’ Conception and Ideology of Stewards’ Roles,” Labor Studies Journal, 30, no. 3 (2005), pp. 49–71. 8 See also R. M. Schwartz, The Legal Rights of Union Stewards, 3rd ed. (Cambridge, MA: Work Rights Press, 1999).


Chapter 4 Union Structure and Government 93


Only a minority of members generally attend meetings. Smaller locals and those whose members are higher-skilled have higher attendance. Typical attendance rates vary between 1 and 33 percent. 9 Meetings to ratify contracts, discuss contract demands, and elect officers usually have the highest attendance rates.


Low attendance raises questions about the breadth of support and democracy of unions. Local member involvement seems low given that the union represents the members’ collective bargaining interests. Local union democracy is manifested in the way factions combine into coalitions around certain issues. It is also demonstrated by contested and occasion- ally close elections for major offices. Local union democracy is highest in newer, small locals. Elections tend to be closer in larger units with more specialized jurisdictions, where management is not viewed as hostile and the election does not involve an incumbent. 10


Local unions are generally relatively democratic. Pressures by members to handle grievances and improve conditions require responses by union officers. But if management is intransigent, the pressure to maintain a united front may lead to suppression of dissent. 11


Functional Democracy Are local unions run democratically? If democracy requires two or more relatively permanent opposition factions, the answer is generally no . But if democracy demands only that leaders respond to individuals and groups, the answer is generally yes . Local constitutions require elections of officers and limited terms. Further, the Landrum-Griffin Act requires local elec- tions at least once every three years. Finally, under exclusive representa- tion requirements, the union must apply the terms of the contract equally to all bargaining-unit employees.


Democratic operation requires individual commitment to union activity. While most members believe their union works to their benefit, many were not involved in its founding and may view the union primarily as their agent in employment matters. In return for dues, many members expect the union to relieve them of the effort and details involved in regulating the employment relationship. What members may want is representation in return for their dues, not participation and involvement in the union.


In unionized employment, an individual is simultaneously an employee and a union member. In the functional democracy of employment, the parties are the employer and the union. 12 Union members are entitled to


9 Sayles and Strauss, Local Union, p. 97. 10 J. C. Anderson, “A Comparative Analysis of Local Union Democracy,” Industrial Relations, 17 (1978), pp. 278–295. 11 Sayles and Strauss, Local Union, pp. 135–147. 12 N. W. Chamberlain and D. E. Cullen, The Labor Sector, rev. ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971), pp. 194–196.


94 Labor Relations


due process under two sets of rules: (1) the local’s constitution and (2) the labor contract. Each is administered by separate sets of officials—the local constitution by the executive board and the contract(s) by the negotiation committee(s). An internal check-and-balance system ensures that the con- tract meets union standards and is administered fairly for all bargaining- unit members. 13


Figure 4.1 depicts the idea of dual governance. Assume a local includes three bargaining units in an open-shop industry. Three separate con- tracts are administered by three negotiation committees. All local union members vote for the local’s officers. Each bargaining unit’s union mem- bers vote on their contracts. The shaded area represents workers who are both union and bargaining-unit members, while nonunion employees outside the local circle belong only to the bargaining unit, are represented, but have no vote for officers or on contracts.


13 A. H. Cook, “Dual Governance in Unions: A Tool for Analysis,” Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 15 (1962), pp. 323–349.


BU 3 BU 1


BU 2


Local 777


Bargaining-unit boundaries


Local union boundary


FIGURE 4.1 Dual Governance in Unions


Chapter 4 Union Structure and Government 95


Local unions are probably less electorally democratic than govern- mental units. This may not be a problem because union members gener- ally are interested in similar types of outcomes, view the union as their agent, and evaluate it on the outcomes produced rather than the ideo- logical stand of a faction. 14 Members generally do not feel a need to be “protected” from their union; on the contrary, they worry about manage- ment. Depending on the issue, if members are concerned about a lack of democracy, they can oust the leadership, turn down contracts, or vote to decertify. Legal safeguards are usually sufficient to require responsive- ness, if not two-party democracy, and that appears to be enough for most members.


Unfortunately, there are cases in which corrupt local officers entrench themselves in power, buttressed by support or inattention from their par- ent national. A study of Teamsters Local 705 in Chicago, which was placed under trusteeship while the federal government was overseeing the Team- sters, revealed a variety of methods that effectively eliminated democracy in the local. These included a requirement that all questions to be raised during union meetings be submitted in writing in advance, the president’s ability to shut off a speaker’s microphone, and inconvenient meeting times for member attendance. After these problems were remedied, the union became more militant in representing members’ grievances and negotiating contracts with employers. 15 On the other hand, the executive leadership of another union in a declining labor market was paralyzed by excessive rank-and-file exercise of democratic initiatives. 16


The local union is not usually an autonomous, freestanding organiza- tion. It most often owes its existence to, and almost certainly must comply with, the directives of a parent national, unless it is directly affiliated with the AFL-CIO or an independent.


Independent Local Unions Independent local unions (ILUs) represent employees of a single employer and are not affiliated with a national or the AFL-CIO. Most ILUs were started in the 1920s under welfare capitalism or in the early 1930s follow- ing passage of the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA). Following the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), many ILUs affiliated with the AFL or the CIO and some were disestablished by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB).


14 Sayles and Strauss, Local Union, p. 141. 15 R. Bruno, “Democratic Goods: Teamster Reform and Collective Bargaining Outcomes,” Journal of Labor Research, 21 (2000), pp. 83–102. 16 R. W. Hurd, “Professional Employees and Union Democracy: From Control to Chaos,” Journal of Labor Research, 21 (2000), pp. 103–116.


96 Labor Relations


ILUs might be started in the face of an organizing drive and are gener- ally more conservative than a national affiliate. “Strong” ILUs pressure management short of striking and often threaten to affiliate with a national to put pressure on the employer. During the 1940s, ILUs often were far less racially discriminatory than nationally chartered locals. 17


Wages of ILU members are about the same as those of employees belonging to affiliated locals. 18 ILUs may be more effective in represent- ing local interests, but they have less bargaining power than affiliated locals that can act together during contract negotiations in multifacility operations.


NATIONAL UNIONS


National unions originally established jurisdictions over workers in specific crafts, industries, or other job territories. Many have members in Canada as well as in the United States. As noted in Chapter 2, the (inter)national union is the unit in which primary authority is vested within the union movement. Most local unions are chartered by a parent national, and many local activities are constrained or must be approved by the national body.


In 2005, there were 61 national unions with more than 10,000 members, of which 42 were affiliated with the AFL-CIO. A little over 7 million mem- bers are in nationals affiliated with the AFL-CIO. About 5.6 million belong to unions that formed the Change to Win (CTW) federation. The 33 largest unions each have more than 100,000 members. Over half of all members belong to the 5 largest national unions. Large differences exist in represen- tation rates between the states, with 26.1 percent unionized in New York and only 2.3 percent organized in South Carolina. 19 Table 4.1 lists national unions with 100,000 or more members in 2005.


Most national unions are full-time operations. Officers are full-time unionists. Departments are established and staffed with appointed and hired specialists. Most elect officers at their conventions, which are legally required to meet at least every five years. Delegates are chosen by each local and sent on a per capita basis, or they are national union officials and field representatives. The union convention is similar to a political con- vention. If the national leadership can appoint many delegates, its chances of staying in office are greatly enhanced.


17 S. M. Jacoby, “Unnatural Extinction: The Rise and Fall of the Independent Local Union,” Industrial Relations, 40 (2001), pp. 377–404. 18 S. M. Jacoby and A. Verma, “Enterprise Unions in the United States,” Industrial Relations, 31 (1992), pp. 137–158. 19 C. D. Gifford, Directory of U.S. Labor Organizations (Washington, DC: Bureau of National Affairs, 2006), pp. 1–3.


Chapter 4 Union Structure and Government 97


National Education Association 2,731,000


Service Employees 1,703,000


State, County, and Municipal Employees 1,350,000


Teamsters 1,350,000


Food and Commercial Workers 1,339,000


Teachers 829,000


Electrical Workers 705,000


Laborers 693,000


Auto Workers 655,000


Machinists 610,000


Communications Workers 546,000


Steel, Paper and Forestry, Rubber, Manufacturing, Energy, Allied Industrial and Service Workers


535,000


Carpenters 524,000


UNITE HERE 441,000


Operating Engineers 339,000


National Postal Mail Handlers 357,000


Plumbers and Pipe Fitters 324,000


Letter Carriers 292,000


Fire Fighters 271,000


Postal Workers 227,000


Government Employees 227,000


Amalgamated Transit 181,000


United American Nurses 149,000


Sheet Metal Workers 144,000


Painters 129,000


Iron Workers 125,000


Transport Workers 125,000


Classified School Employees 109,000


Screen Actors 108,000


Bakery, Confectionery, Tobacco Workers and Grain Millers 107,000


Rural Letter Carriers 105,000


Theatrical Stage Employees, Moving Picture Technicians, Artists and Allied Crafts


105,000


Mine Workers 101,000


TABLE 4.1 National Unions with More than 100,000 Members, 2005


Source: Adapted from C. Gifford, Directory of U.S. Labor Organizations: 2006 Edition (Washington, DC: Bureau of National Affairs, 2006), p 4.


98 Labor Relations


National Union Goals National unions have two major goals: (1) to organize an increasing num- ber and share of the labor force and (2) to provide representation services to enhance member well-being. These goals are obviously interrelated. Organizing success depends to an extent on the visible success the union has had in representing employees, because successful representation depends on organizing a group of employees that can exert bargaining power on the employer.


National unions formed for economic reasons. U.S. industry became more national as transportation facilities developed, and local bargaining power declined as a result. Nationals exert greater pressure on employers and assist locals during difficult periods in which they might not survive on their own. Especially during the formation of industrial unions, the power of a national to negotiate similar economic bargains across employ- ers in an industry enhanced gains over what could be negotiated at the local level. Support and control are thus lodged in nationals.


National unions have their own goals. But what common elements help predict what each might do? Unions consist of members who expect services and permanent employees who supply them. Members decide whether they want continued representation by comparing contract out- comes and services received from their union with those available from alternative sources (other unions or nonunion human resource depart- ments). Union leaders want unions to grow to enhance their power and stability and to promote bargaining power within an industry. Elected leaders and appointed full-time unionists need membership approval to retain their posts. Thus, leaders might be expected to focus on organizing, while members probably prefer a focus on services for present members first. Unions in highly organized industries spend a smaller proportion of their resources on organizing than do unions where lower union penetra- tion exists. 20


The economic environment in which organized labor participates has changed markedly over the past 25 years. Sometimes it is more difficult for nationals than for locals to recognize the magnitude of change and the need to respond and adapt to it. Nationals often have less knowl- edge about actual workplace experiences than do locals, are buffered from pressures to change given their overall financial stability, and have difficulty implementing organizationwide change due to their decen- tralized and political nature. 21 As established manufacturing industries with excess production capacity have pursued cost cutting through


20 R. N. Block, “Union Organizing and the Allocation of Union Resources,” Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 34 (1980), pp. 101–113. 21 T. Fitzpatrick and W. Waldstein, “Challenges to Strategic Planning in International Unions,” Proceedings of the Industrial Relations Research Association, 46 (1994), pp. 73–84.


Chapter 4 Union Structure and Government 99


globalization and work design changes to enhance productivity, there is increasing competition both between and within companies, leading to the possibility of locals competing with each other to retain work. This is a major problem for national unions in promoting solidarity and pattern bargaining. 22


National Union Strategies and Planning National unions vary in their interests and capabilities to adapt and inno- vate. A study of national unions found that planning for change was posi- tively related to the use of environmental scanning techniques, effective structuring of management and administrative activities, and larger size, while it was negatively related to democratic structures. 23


Some nationals develop strategic plans. 24 Figure 4.2 displays a union strategic planning model. Nationals that put more effort into planning devote more resources to organizing, participate in corporate campaigns, and form political action committees. 25 Education, budget- ing, and political action are the most frequent topics of long-range plan- ning. Support from the national’s president, the use of consultants, and representing employees in the service or utility industries are related to plan implementation. 26


Within the workplace, there is essentially no market for employment representation since, if there is no union, the employer must unilater- ally determine employment outcomes without negotiating with employee subgroups (otherwise, an unlawful employer-dominated labor organiza- tion would be created) and, if a union is present, the negotiated labor agreement determines the rules that will cover all employees. One critic has argued that eliminating the exclusive representation and majority- rule requirements for unionization would create a competitive market for employee relations services. If antitrust regulations were relaxed, even for-profit organizations might decide to offer employee relations services to groups of employees across several employers. 27


22 D. Wells, “Labour Markets, Flexible Specialization and the New Microcorporatism,” Relations Industrielles, 56 (2001), pp. 279–304. 23 J. T. Delaney, P. Jarley, and J. Fiorito, “Planning for Change: Determinants of Innovation in U.S. National Unions,” Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 49 (1996), pp. 597–614. 24 C. L. Scheck and G. W. Bohlander, “The Planning Practices of Labor Organizations: A National Study,” Labor Studies Journal, 15, no. 4 (1990), pp. 69–84. 25 K. Stratton and R. B. Brown, “Strategic Planning in U.S. Labor Unions,” Proceedings of the Industrial Relations Research Association, 41 (1988), pp. 523–531. 26 Y. Reshef and K. Stratton-Devine, “Long-Range Planning in North American Unions: Preliminary Findings,” Relations Industrielles, 48 (1993), pp. 250–265. 27 S. Estreicher, “Deregulating Union Democracy,” Journal of Labor Research, 21 (2000), pp. 247–264.


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Chapter 4 Union Structure and Government 101


National Union Jurisdictions National unions have traditionally operated as either craft or industrial unions. Craft unions formed the AFL, and industrial unions formed the CIO. Craft and industrial jurisdictional boundaries blurred as AFL and CIO unions competed for members before their merger and as craft and industrial employment patterns changed.


Most of the largest U.S. nationals organize broadly. The Teamsters originally organized transportation and warehouse employees outside railroads. Now, more than half of Teamster members work in occupa- tions and industries with no primary relationship to transportation. The National Education Association (NEA) represents both public and private schoolteachers at primary, secondary, and postsecondary educa- tional institutions. The United Auto Workers has expanded its organizing to nonteaching employees in colleges and universities, freelance writers, and legal service workers. The American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees organizes in many occupations across a broad spectrum of nonfederal public and private nonprofit employers. The International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers began as a craft union but has successfully organized in electrical equipment manufacturing. Where employment in traditional jurisdictions declines, union leaders push for expanding jurisdictions.


National Structure National unions grow and survive through organizing and maintaining their locals. Their ability to obtain and maintain membership depends on their effectiveness in dealing with environmental characteristics such as employers’ resistance to unionization, changing industrial and occu- pational employment levels, and existing laws and regulations and their enforcement. Employment patterns result from the ultimate demand for goods and services and the quantity and quality of the labor supply. Unions have virtually no control over the former, and they have only lim- ited control over the latter unless they provide employee training, as in the building trades. 28


In turn, these environmental factors influence the goals of the union movement. Some of these goals can be realized internally (workplace goals) through collective bargaining, while others require public policy changes (external goals). The goals and services important to union members influence the strategies chosen and the organizational structures created to deliver them. Among the strategies, collective bargaining, legislative


28 J. Fiorito, C. L. Gramm, and W. Hendricks, “Union Structural Choices,” in G. Strauss, D. G. Gallagher, and J. Fiorito, eds., The State of the Unions (Madison, WI: Industrial Relations Research Association, 1991), pp. 103–138.


102 Labor Relations


enactment, mutual insurance (the availability of aid to local unions dur- ing confrontations with employers), and confrontation (strikes, etc.) are blended to react to employer initiatives and to advance union agendas. 29 Figure 4.3 displays a model of the determinants of union organizational structures.


National union organizational structure is influenced by two factors: the service demands of members and the bargaining structures that have evolved with employers where the union represents employees. As the bargaining structures change, union organizations change with them. To demonstrate these relationships and differences between national unions, profiles of the UAW, Machinists, Operating Engineers, Teamsters, and AFSCME unions are presented next.


29 Ibid.


FIGURE 4.3 A Model of the Key Determinants of Union Organizational Structure


Source: J. Fiorito, C. L. Gramm, and W.E. Hendricks, “Union Structural Choices,” in G. Strauss, D. G. Gallagher, and J. Fiorito, eds., The State of the Unions (Madison, WI: Industrial Relations Research Association, 1991), p. 106.


External Characteristics of bargaining partners Legal environment Product market characteristics Political environment History


Goals/Service Workplace goals External goals


Union Performance


Strategies Collective bargaining Legislative enactment Mutual insurance Confrontation


Structure Vertical structure Horizontal structure Bargaining structure


Chapter 4 Union Structure and Government 103


The United Auto Workers The United Auto Workers (UAW) originally organized workers in the fabrication and assembly of autos and trucks, airplanes, construction and agricultural equipment, and associated parts suppliers. Besides its original jurisdiction, it now organizes nonprofessional workers in higher education. As of 2007, it had 640,000 employed members in 800 locals, along with 500,000 retired members. Prior to 1980, the domestic industry was highly concentrated (i.e., few manufacturers accounted for most of the production); however, both manufacturing and brand con- centration has decreased markedly, with less than half of U.S. car sales belonging to U.S.-based companies. In 1980, virtually all U.S.-made automobiles were assembled by four companies: American Motors, Chrysler, Ford, and General Motors. Since then, BMW, Honda, Hyundai, Mazda, Mercedes, Mitsubishi, Nissan, and Toyota have opened U.S. assembly plants; Chrysler acquired American Motors, merged with Daimler-Benz in 1998 to form DaimlerChrysler, and was sold by Daim- lerChrysler to Cerburus Capital Management in 2007. Through 2007, the only foreign-owned U.S. auto plants that are unionized are those that were started as joint ventures with a domestic partner. As the U.S.-based companies’ share of the domestic market has declined, the proportion of auto workers represented by the UAW has also shrunk substantially. Additionally, with the passage of the North American Free Trade Agree- ment, U.S. companies opened new assembly plants in Mexico while closing older U.S. plants.


To best serve members in a consistent manner across the major man- ufacturers, the UAW established national departments. Because U.S.- based domestic automaker production facilities were virtually 100 percent unionized, these departments concentrated on representation rather than organizing activities. Figure 4.4 shows the UAW’s organization at the national level.


National departments are the line portion of the organization. This is where national-local interfaces occur. Each national department has a council consisting of delegates from that department’s locals. In turn, the councils form subcommittees based on common interests of the members, such as seniority and work rules. Subcommittees designate members to take part in the national negotiation council from that department.


Staff departments provide information for the national departments and assist locals through the UAW’s international representatives. Besides having a “product-line” approach in its national departments, the UAW is also broken into geographic regions based on the concentration of UAW members in a given area. Regional staffs conduct organizing drives and assist remote locals or those not closely affiliated with national departments in negotiation, administration, and grievance handling. Regional staffs may also have experts in such areas as health and safety or industrial engineering.


104 Labor Relations


National Collective Bargaining Departments


Departments Reporting to the President


Departments Reporting to the


Secretary-Treasurer


Other Departments


General Motors Arbitration Accounting Conservation and Resource Development


Ford Community Action Auditing Consumer Affairs


DaimlerChrysler National CAP (Political Action) Circulation Organizing


Aerospace Civil Rights Purchasing and Supply Recreation and Leisure-Time Activities


Agricultural Equipment Community Services Strike Insurance Time Study and Engineering


Competitive Shop/ Independents, Parts and Suppliers


Education Technical, Office and Professional


Veterans


Heavy Trucks Government and International Affairs


Women’s


Transnationals and Joint Ventures


Health and Safety


Technical, Office and Professional


Information Systems


Skilled Trades Legal


Legislative


Public Relations and Publications


Research


Research Library


Retired Workers


Social Security


FIGURE 4.4 Organizational Structure of the UAW


Source: Adapted from information on www.uaw.org, August 7, 2007.


National Departments


Regional Staffs


Regional Directors


Convention


President


Vice Presidents


Executive Board


Staff Departments


Chapter 4 Union Structure and Government 105


The centralized organizational makeup of the UAW is largely a function of employer concentration of its active membership and the level at which economic bargaining occurs. However, as automakers close older, less efficient plants, local economic concessions may be traded for job security, necessitating more concern by the UAW for local bargaining issues.


The International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers The International Association of Machinists and Aerospace Workers was founded in a railroad locomotive pit in Atlanta in 1888 and affiliated with the AFL in 1895. Over time it expanded its jurisdiction by establish- ing metal trades and railway employees departments, admitting auto mechanics, organizing some occupations in the airline industry, and cre- ating an electronics department. Many aerospace industry workers are represented by the Machinists.


The international has several conferences and departments (related to industries in which the Machinists represent or are attempting to organize workers). There are also several staff departments that provide services to the national, locals, and members. Figure 4.5 depicts the union’s current departmental structure. The union’s membership peaked in 1968 at over 1 million members. About 730,000 currently belong.


The International Union of Operating Engineers The International Union of Operating Engineers represents primarily heavy-equipment operators, mechanics, and surveyors in the construc- tion industry and stationary engineers who operate equipment in building and industrial complexes. It also represents a broad group of health care workers and public employees. There are about 170 locals, most of which cover a relatively large geographic territory, particularly in construction. It has about 400,000 members and is the 12th-largest union in the AFL-CIO. 30 Many of the union’s services are provided at the local level, particularly through joint union-employer apprenticeship programs.


The International Brotherhood of Teamsters The Teamsters’ Union is the closest to a general union of any in the United States. After its expulsion from the AFL-CIO in 1960, it broadened its jurisdiction from trucking and warehousing to cover all workers. The mergers of several smaller nationals, such as the Brewery Workers, into the Teamsters made it the dominant union within several industries. The Teamsters reaffiliated with the AFL-CIO in 1987, but it left again in 2005 to take part in forming the Change to Win coalition. In 2007, it had 1.4 million members. 31


30 www.iuoe.org/history/history.htm, August 7, 2007. 31 www.teamster.org/about/structure/structure.htm, August 7, 2007.


106 Labor Relations


Given the Teamsters’ early background and the local or regional nature of the trucking industry in general, bargaining and organizing are decen- tralized. The executive board includes the general president, the general secretary-treasurer, and 22 vice presidents. Some of the vice presidents are also international directors of Teamster area conferences. There are 16 trade divisions and departments: airline; carhaul; brewery and soft-drink workers; building material and construction trade; dairy; freight; indus- trial trades; motion picture and theatrical trade; newspaper, magazine and electronic media workers; parcel and small package; port; public services trade; rail; tankhaul; trade and convention centers; and warehouse. The national also has a number of staff departments to deliver services to members and to promote the formation of new bargaining units. Figure 4.6 depicts its organizational structure.


The Teamsters’ Union has about 500 local unions and 38 local joint councils. The joint councils are semiautonomous bodies that administer activities among affiliated locals. In areas where there are three or more


Industries Union Networks Aerospace Automotive Government Employees Transportation Woodworkers


High Performance Work Organization Partnerships Organizing Trade and Globalization


Collective Bargaining Resources Safety Collective Bargaining Corporation for Re-employment and Safety Training Communications Safety and Health Legal Politics and Legislation Strategic Resources Winpisinger Education and Technology Center


People Finances Apprenticeship Community Services/Retirees Employment Services Department Human Rights Scholarships Women


Accounting General Secretary Treasurer’s Office Grand Lodge Auditors Information Systems


Support Staff Bylaws and Internal Disputes Engineering and Housekeeping Human Resources Membership Records Purchasing/Stock Room/Duplicating/Mailing


FIGURE 4.5 Departmental Structure of the Machinists


Source: Adapted from www.goiam.org/iam-headquarters.cfm, August 7, 2007.


Chapter 4 Union Structure and Government 107


FIGURE 4.6 Organizational Structure of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters


Source: www.teamsters.org/about/structure/structure.htm.


Building Support Services


& Security


Legal Department


Government Affairs


Communications Department


Organizing


Field Action


Economics & Contracts


Strategic Research & Campaigns


Retiree Affairs


Safety & Health


Trade Divisions


Affiliates & Automated Records


Accounting & Budgeting


International Audits & Affiliates Financial Reports


Information Systems


Investments & Pension Administration (TAPP, RFPP)*


* Teamster Affiliate and International Employee Pension Plans


Member Benefits


Out-of-Work Benefits


Trustees


General President Executive Assistant


General Secretary- Treasurer Executive Assistant


Human Resources


Teamster Travel


IBT Members


IBT Convention


General Executive Board


Training & Development


Human Rights Commission


Affiliate Bookkeeping System


Capital Strategies


Purchasing


108 Labor Relations


locals, a joint council is established to coordinate activities among the locals. Each local is required to belong to a joint council and must get council permission to sign a contract or to strike. Each joint council is indirectly controlled by the executive branch. Thus, much of the grassroots organizing and representation activity is initiated or controlled at the joint council level.


The Teamsters have had a long history of difficulty with the federal government. Presidents in the 1950s and 1960s such as Dave Beck and James R. Hoffa were forced to resign for a variety of federal offenses related to using their leadership positions for personal advantage. In the 1980s, the federal government imposed an external trustee following the conviction of Roy Lee Williams, then general president, for gang- related activities. Ron Carey, an insurgent leader, was elected president following the end of federal control. However, in late 1997, he was ruled ineligible to succeed himself as a result of money-laundering activities surrounding his election campaign. James P. Hoffa, the son of a former president, succeeded him.


The American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees The American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) is an industrial-type union organizing public employees outside the federal government and employees in private, nonprofit public service organizations. The union is led by its president and sec- retary- treasurer, who are elected by its biennial convention. They are joined by 31 international vice presidents. At the regional level, there are 61 councils that are responsible for coordinating bargaining and political activities among locals in their regions.


AFSCME’s structure reflects the fact that its members are employed in a variety of governmental jurisdictions and bargain under many different laws. Unlike most industrial unions, AFSCME does not require the nation- al’s approval of local contract settlements. The decision to strike is also handled at the local level. All locals are expected to affiliate with one of the regional AFSCME councils, which are operated within jurisdictions relat- ing to the bargaining laws associated with the occupations represented.


Services provided by the national include research, legislative, legal, organizational, educational, public relations, and other activities. 32 AFSC- ME’s federal nature results from the fact that its affiliated locals bargain with public employers operating under a myriad of collective bargaining laws that may apply differently to various occupations within the same jurisdiction.

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