The new trophy wife by deborah siegel summary

FEMINIST THOUGHT

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FEMINIST T

A MORE COMPREHENSIVE INTRODUCTION

Rosemarie Tong University of North Carolina, Charlotte

A Member of the Perseus Books Group

THIRD EDITION

HOUGHT

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Copyright © 2009 by Westview Press Published by Westview Press, A Member of the Perseus Books Group

All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. For information, address Westview Press, 2465 Central Avenue, Boulder, Colorado 80301-2877. Find us on the World Wide Web at www.westviewpress.com.

Westview Press books are available at special discounts for bulk purchases in the United States by corporations, institutions, and other organizations. For more information, please contact the Special Markets Department at the Perseus Books Group, 2300 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, PA, or call (800) 810-4145, extension 5000, or e-mail special.markets@perseusbooks.com.

A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress

ISBN: 978-0-8133-4375-4 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

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Contents Preface ix Acknowledgments xi

Introduction: The Diversity of Feminist Thinking 1

1 Liberal Feminism 11

Conceptual Roots of Liberal Feminist Thought and Action 11 Eighteenth-Century Thought: Equal Education 13 Nineteenth-Century Thought: Equal Liberty 16 Nineteenth-Century Action: The Suffrage 21 Twentieth-Century Action: Equal Rights 23 Twentieth-Century Thought: Sameness Versus Difference 27 Contemporary Directions in Liberal Feminism 34 Critiques of Liberal Feminism 37 Conclusion 45

2 Radical Feminism: Libertarian and Cultural Perspectives 48

Libertarian and Cultural Views on the Sex/Gender System 51 Some Libertarian Views on Gender 52 Some Cultural Views on Gender 56 Sexuality, Male Domination, and Female Subordination 65 The Pornography Debate 68 The Lesbianism Controversy 71 Reproduction, Men, and Women 73 Libertarian and Cultural Views on Mothering 82 Critiques of Radical-Libertarian and Radical-Cultural Feminism 90

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3 Marxist and Socialist Feminism: Classical and Contemporary 96

Some Marxist Concepts and Theories 97 Classical Marxist Feminism: General Reflections 106 Contemporary Socialist Feminism: General Reflections 110 Women’s Labor Issues 118 Critiques of Marxist and Socialist Feminism 125 Conclusion 126

4 Psychoanalytic Feminism 128

Sigmund Freud 129 Feminist Critiques of Freud 133 Early Feminist Appropriations of Freud 135 Later Feminist Appropriations of Freud 138 Psychoanalytic Feminism: General Reflections 152 Conclusion 160

5 Care-Focused Feminism 163

The Roots of Care-Focused Feminism 164 Maternal Ethics and the Ethics of Care 181 Conclusion 195

6 Multicultural, Global, and Postcolonial Feminism 200

Multicultural Feminism: General Reflections 201 Roots of Multicultural Feminism in the United States 202 Interlocking Sources of Women’s Oppression 204 Conceptual Challenges for Multicultural Feminism 207 Global and Postcolonial Feminism: General Reflections 215 Diversity and Commonality 217 Sexual/Reproductive Issues Versus Economic Issues 218 Knowing When to Respect Women’s Culture 228 Conclusion 233

7 Ecofeminism 237

Some Roots of Ecofeminism 238 Ecofeminism: New Philosophy or Ancient Wisdom? 242 Tensions in Nature: Ecofeminist Thought 243

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Spiritual Ecofeminism 252 Transformative Ecofeminism 256 Global Ecofeminism 261 Critiques of Ecofeminism 265 Conclusion 268

8 Postmodern and Third-Wave Feminism 270

Postmodernism/Postmodern Feminism: Keynotes 272 Critique of Postmodern Feminism 283 Third-Wave Feminism 284 Critique of Third-Wave Feminism 289 Conclusion 290

Notes 293 Bibliography 333 Index 401

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Preface

Oftentimes, a new edition of a book, particularly a third edition, amounts to lit- tle more than some added references and updates. But I can assure readers that this new edition of Feminist Thought: A More Comprehensive Introduction, con- stitutes a major overhaul: eighteen months of drafting and redrafting. Chapters that remain substantially the same are the chapters on liberal feminism, radical feminism, and ecofeminism, though even these have significant revisions. Sub- stantially reformulated chapters are the ones on psychoanalytic feminism and Marxist/socialist feminism. I have reassigned some feminist thinkers I previ- ously classified as postmodern feminists to the psychoanalytic feminist fold, and I have amplified my discussion of socialist feminism in ways that better clarify the differences between it and Marxist feminism. In addition, although Chapter 6, “Multicultural, Global, and Postcolonial Feminism,” includes ideas from the second edition, I have thoroughly revised the section on multicultural femi- nism, offering new interpretations of this mode of feminist thinking. Further enhancing this chapter, which is now one of my favorite chapters, is a serious effort to address the differences between multicultural, global, and postcolonial feminism. New or expanded discussions of Susan Okin, Martha Nussbaum, Chila Bulbeck, Linda Martin Alcoff, and Adrian Piper are featured. Another chapter that blends a bit of old material with much new material is Chapter 8, “Postmodern and Third-Wave Feminism.” Among the feminist thinkers now showcased are Hélène Cixous, Judith Butler, Leslie Heywood, Jennifer Drake, and Rebecca Walker. Finally, a new chapter makes its debut in this third edition. Although Chapter 5, “Care-Focused Feminism,” includes previous discussions of Carol Gilligan and Nel Noddings, equally long discussions of Virginia Held and Eva Feder Kittay have been added.

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As I reflect on this third edition of Feminist Thought, I realize how quickly and richly feminist thinking has developed. I applaud the creative and schol- arly abilities of the feminists whose work I try to summarize, interpret, and share with as wide and diverse an audience as possible. Feminist thinking has energized the academy and challenged it to reject the limits that had been previously imposed on it by a “white/male/exclusionary” modality of thought. Just as importantly—indeed more importantly—feminist thinking has motivated feminist action. The world is more fair, just, and caring thanks to the ideas not only of the feminist thinkers featured in this book but also the many feminist thinkers who, for lack of pen perhaps, have not been able to write down, let alone widely publicize their ideas. It is to this group of feminist thinkers I dedicate this book.

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Acknowledgments

As anyone who has ever written a book knows, it is not a solo project. Rather, it is a collaborative effort. My only fear is that I will fail to say a public thank-you to one of the persons who helped me bring this book to completion.

First, I want to thank Lisa Singleton for the long hours she spent research- ing for me and the even longer hours she spent typing draft after draft of a book that seemed without end. Without Lisa’s cheerful commitment to this project, it would not have seen the light of day. There is no way that I can thank this gifted woman enough.

Second, I want to thank Karl Yambert, my editor. His patience is that of Job. Due to life’s unpredictable and sometimes sad detours, it took me far longer to complete this book than I hoped. Rather than chastising me, Karl made things easy for me. Had I had a less understanding editor, I would have probably abandoned this third edition.

Third, I want to thank my diligent copyeditor, Patty Boyd, for perfecting my manuscript and the anonymous reviewers who motivated me to improve it. Their behind-the-scenes work is most appreciated.

I also want to thank Laura Stine, my project editor, for getting this edition of Feminist Thought to press.

Finally, I thank all feminist thinkers for building a body of thought that is moving us closer to being a more just and compassionate world. I am grateful to be a part of this effort and hope to remain a part of it until the day I die.

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1

Introduction: The Diversity of Feminist Thinking

Since writing my first introduction to feminist thought nearly two decades ago, I have become increasingly convinced that feminist thought resists categoriza- tion into tidy schools of thought. Interdisciplinary, intersectional, and interlock- ing are the kind of adjectives that best describe the way we feminists think. There is a certain breathlessness in the way we move from one topic to the next, revising our thoughts in midstream. Yet despite the very real problems that come with trying to categorize the thought of an incredibly diverse and large array of feminist thinkers as “x” or “y” or “z,” feminist thought is old enough to have a history complete with a set of labels: liberal, radical, Marxist/socialist, psychoanalytic, care-focused, multicultural/global/colonial, ecofeminist, and postmodern/third wave. To be sure, this list of labels is incomplete and highly contestable. Indeed, it may ultimately prove to be entirely unreflective of femi- nism’s intellectual and political commitments to women. For now, however, feminist thought’s old labels still remain serviceable. They signal to the public that feminism is not a monolithic ideology and that all feminists do not think alike. The labels also help mark the range of different approaches, perspectives, and frameworks a variety of feminists have used to shape both their explana- tions for women’s oppression and their proposed solutions for its elimination.

Because so much of contemporary feminist theory defines itself in reaction against traditional liberal feminism, liberalism is as good a place as any to begin a survey of feminist thought. This perspective received its classic formulation in Mary Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Women,1 in John Stuart Mill’s “The Subjection of Women,”2 and in the nineteenth-century women’s suffrage movement. Its main thrust, an emphasis still felt in contemporary

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groups such as the National Organization of Women (NOW), is that female subordination is rooted in a set of customary and legal constraints that blocks women’s entrance to and success in the so-called public world. To the extent that society holds the false belief that women are, by nature, less intellectually and physically capable than men, it tends to discriminate against women in the academy, the forum, and the marketplace. As liberal feminists see it, this dis- crimination against women is unfair. Women should have as much chance to succeed in the public realm as men do. Gender justice, insist liberal feminists, requires us, first, to make the rules of the game fair and, second, to make certain that none of the runners in the race for society’s goods and services is systemati- cally disadvantaged.

But is the liberal feminist program drastic and dramatic enough to com- pletely undo women’s oppression? Radical feminists think not. They claim the patriarchal system is characterized by power, dominance, hierarchy, and competition. It cannot be reformed but only ripped out root and branch. It is not just patriarchy’s legal and political structures that must be overturned on the way to women’s liberation. Its social and cultural institutions (espe- cially the family and organized religion) must also be uprooted.

As in the past, I remain impressed by the diverse modalities of thinking that count as “radical feminist thought.” Although all radical feminists focus on sex, gender, and reproduction as the locus for the development of femi- nist thought,3 some of them favor so-called androgyny, stress the pleasures of sex (be it heterosexual, lesbian, or autoerotic), and view as unalloyed bless- ings for women not only the old reproduction-controlling technologies but also the new reproduction-assisting technologies. In contrast, other radical feminists reject androgyny; emphasize the dangers of sex, especially hetero- sexual sex; and regard as harmful to women the new reproduction-assisting technologies and, for the most part, the old reproduction-controlling tech- nologies. As in the second edition of my book, I sort this varied array of rad- ical feminist thinkers into two groups: “radical-libertarian feminists” and “radical-cultural feminists.”4

With respect to gender-related issues, radical-libertarian feminists usually reason that if, to their own detriment, men are required to exhibit mascu- line characteristics only, and if, to their own detriment, women are required to exhibit feminine characteristics only, then the solution to this harmful state of affairs is to permit all human beings to be androgynous—to exhibit a full range of masculine and feminine qualities. Men should be permitted to explore their feminine dimensions, and women their masculine ones. No human being should be forbidden the sense of wholeness that comes from combining his or her masculine and feminine sides.

2 Introduction

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Disagreeing with radical-libertarian feminists that a turn to androgyny is a liberation strategy for women, radical-cultural feminists argue against this move in one of three ways. Some anti-androgynists maintain the problem is not femininity in and of itself, but rather the low value that patriarchy assigns to feminine qualities such as “gentleness, modesty, humility, supportiveness, empathy, compassionateness, tenderness, nurturance, intuitiveness, sensitiv- ity, unselfishness,” and the high value it assigns to masculine qualities such as “assertiveness, aggressiveness, hardiness, rationality or the ability to think log- ically, abstractly and analytically, ability to control emotion.”5 They claim that if society can learn to value “feminine” traits as much as “masculine” traits, women’s oppression will be a bad memory. Other anti-androgynists object, insisting femininity is the problem because it has been constructed by men for patriarchal purposes. In order to be liberated, women must reject femininity as it has been constructed for them and give it an entirely new meaning. Fem- ininity should no longer be understood as those traits that deviate from mas- culinity. On the contrary, femininity should be understood as a way of being that needs no reference point external to it. Still other anti-androgynists, reverting to a “nature theory,” argue that despite patriarchy’s imposition of a false, or inauthentic, feminine nature upon women, many women have nonetheless rebelled against it, unearthing their true, or authentic, female nature instead. Full personal freedom for a woman consists, then, in her abil- ity to renounce her false feminine self in favor of her true female self.

As difficult as it is to fully reflect the range of radical feminist thought on gender, it is even more difficult to do so with respect to sexuality. Radical- libertarian feminists argue that no specific kind of sexual experience should be prescribed as the best kind for women.6 Every woman should be encour- aged to experiment sexually with herself, with other women, and with men. Although heterosexuality can be dangerous for women within a patriarchal society, women must nonetheless feel free to follow the lead of their own desires, embracing men if that is their choice.

Radical-cultural feminists disagree. They stress that through pornography, prostitution, sexual harassment, rape, and woman battering,7 through foot binding, suttee, purdah, clitoridectormy, witch burning, and gynecology,8 men have controlled women’s sexuality for male pleasure. Thus, in order to be liber- ated, women must escape the confines of heterosexuality and create an exclu- sively female sexuality through celibacy, autoeroticism, or lesbianism.9 Only alone, or with other women, can women discover the true pleasure of sex.

Radical feminist thought is as diverse on issues related to reproduction as it is on matters related to sexuality. Radical-libertarian feminists claim bio- logical motherhood drains women physically and psychologically.10 Women

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should be free, they say, to use the old reproduction-controlling technolo- gies and the new reproduction-assisting technologies on their own terms— to prevent or terminate unwanted pregnancies or, alternatively, so that women can have children when they want them (premenopausally or post- menopausally), how they want them (in their own womb or that of another woman), and with whom they want them (a man, a woman, or alone). Some radical-libertarian feminists go farther than this, however. They look forward to the day when ectogenesis (extracorporeal gestation in an artificial placenta) entirely replaces the natural process of pregnancy. In contrast to radical-libertarian feminists, radical-cultural feminists claim biological mother-hood is the ultimate source of woman’s power.11 It is women who determine whether the human species continues—whether there is life or no life. Women must guard and celebrate this life-giving power, for without it, men will have even less respect and use for women than they have now.12

Somewhat unconvinced by the liberal and radical feminist agendas for women’s liberation, Marxist and socialist feminists claim it is impossible for anyone, especially women, to achieve true freedom in a class-based society, where the wealth produced by the powerless many ends up in the hands of the powerful few. With Friedrich Engels,13 Marxist and socialist feminists insist women’s oppression originated in the introduction of private property, an institution that obliterated whatever equality of community humans had previously enjoyed. Private ownership of the means of production by rela- tively few persons, originally all male, inaugurated a class system whose con- temporary manifestations are corporate capitalism and imperialism. Reflection on this state of affairs suggests that capitalism itself, not just the larger social rules that privilege men over women, is the cause of women’s oppression. If all women—rather than just the “exceptional” ones—are ever to be liberated, the capitalist system must be replaced by a socialist system in which the means of production belong to everyone. No longer economically dependent on men, women will be just as free as men.

Socialist feminists agree with Marxist feminists that capitalism is the source of women’s oppression, and with radical feminists that patriarchy is the source of women’s oppression. Therefore, the way to end women’s oppression, in socialist feminists’ estimation, is to kill the two-headed beast of capitalist patriarchy or patriarchal capitalism (take your pick). Motivated by this goal, socialist feminists seek to develop theories that explain the rela- tionship between capitalism and patriarchy.

During the first stage of theory development, socialist feminists offered several “two-system” explanations of women’s oppression. Among these two- system theories were those forwarded by Juliet Mitchell and Alison Jaggar. In

4 Introduction

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Women’s Estate, Mitchell claimed that women’s condition is determined not only by the structures of production (as Marxist feminists think), but also by the structures of reproduction and sexuality (as radical feminists believe), and the socialization of children (as liberal feminists argue).14 She stressed that women’s status and function in all of these structures must change if women are to achieve full liberation. Still, in the final analysis, Mitchell gave the edge to capitalism over patriarchy as women’s worst enemy.

Like Mitchell, Alison Jaggar attempted to achieve a synthesis between Marxist and radical feminist thought. Acknowledging that all feminist per- spectives recognize the conflicting demands made on women as wives, moth- ers, daughters, lovers, and workers,15 Jaggar insisted that socialist feminism is unique because of its concerted effort to interrelate the myriad forms of women’s oppression. She used the unifying concept of alienation to explain how, under capitalism, everything (work, sex, play) and everyone (family members and friends) that could be a source of women’s integration as per- sons becomes instead a cause of their disintegration. Together with Mitchell, Jaggar insisted there are only complex explanations for women’s subordina- tion. Yet, in contrast to Mitchell, she named patriarchy rather than capital- ism as the worst evil visited on women.

After Mitchell and Jaggar, another group of socialist feminists aimed to develop new explanations of women’s oppression that did not in any way pinpoint capitalism or patriarchy as the primary source of women’s limited well-being and freedom. Iris Marion Young, Heidi Hartmann, and Sylvia Walby constructed explanations for women’s oppression that viewed capital- ism and patriarchy as interactive to the point of full symbiosis. To a greater or lesser extent, these thinkers addressed the question of whether capitalism could survive the death of patriarchy, or vice versa. Although the nuances of their theories were difficult to grasp, Young, Hartmann, and Walby—like their predecessors Mitchell and Jaggar—pushed feminists to address issues related to women’s unpaid, underpaid, or disvalued work.

To the degree that liberal, radical, and Marxist-socialist feminists focus on the macrocosm (patriarchy or capitalism) in their respective explana- tions of women’s oppression, psychoanalytic feminists are most at home in the microcosm of the individual. They claim the roots of women’s oppres- sion are embedded deep in the female psyche. Initially, psychoanalytic feminists focused on Sigmund Freud’s work, looking within it for a better understanding of sexuality’s role in the oppression of women. According to Freud, in the so-called pre-Oedipal stage, all infants are symbiotically attached to their mothers, whom they perceive as omnipotent. The mother-infant relationship is an ambivalent one, however: sometimes

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mothers give too much—their presence is overwhelming—but other times mothers give too little—their absence disappoints.

The pre-Oedipal stage ends with the so-called Oedipal complex, the pro- cess by which the boy gives up his first love object, the mother, in order to escape castration at the hands of the father. As a result of submitting his id (desires) to the superego (collective social conscience), the boy is fully inte- grated into culture. Together with his father, he will rule over nature and woman, both of whom supposedly contain a similarly irrational power. In contrast to the boy, the girl, who has no penis to lose, separates slowly from her first love object, the mother. As a result, the girl’s integration into culture is incomplete. She exists at the periphery, or margin, of culture as the one who does not rule but is ruled, largely because, as Dorothy Dinnerstein sug- gested, she fears her own power.16

Because the Oedipus complex is the root of male rule, or patriarchy, some psychoanalytic feminists speculate that the complex is nothing more than the product of men’s imagination—a psychic trap that everyone, especially women, should try to escape. Others object that unless we are prepared for reentry into a chaotic state of nature, we must accept some version of the Oedipus complex as the experience that integrates the individual into society. In accepting some ver- sion of the Oedipus complex, Sherry Ortner noted, we need not accept the Freudian version, according to which the qualities of authority, autonomy, and universalism are labeled male, whereas love, dependence, and particularism are labeled female.17 These labels, meant to privilege that which is male over that which is female, are not essential to the Oedipus complex. Rather, they are sim- ply the consequences of a child’s actual experience with men and women. As Ortner saw it, dual parenting (as recommended also by Dorothy Dinnerstein and Nancy Chodorow) and dual participation in the workforce would change the gender valences of the Oedipus complex.18 Authority, autonomy, and uni- versalism would no longer be the exclusive property of men; love, dependence, and particularism would no longer be the exclusive property of women.

Not sure that dual parenting and dual participation in the workforce were up to changing the gender valences of the Oedipal complex, a new generation of psychoanalytic feminists turned to theorists like Jacques Lacan for more insights into the psychosexual dramas that produce “man” and “woman,” the “feminine” and the “masculine,” the “heterosexual” and the “lesbian,” and so forth. Formidable theorists like Luce Irigaray and Julia Kristeva claimed that feminists had spent too much time focusing on the Oedipal realm and not nearly enough time on the prelinguistic, pre-Oedipal domain. This domain, often referred to as the Imaginary, is the domain infants are supposed to leave behind so they can enter the Symbolic order, the realm of language, rules, and

6 Introduction

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regimes: civilization. But, asked Irigaray and Kristeva, why should women abandon the Imaginary so they can be oppressed, suppressed, and repressed in patriarchy’s Symbolic order? Why not instead stay in the Imaginary, and relish the joy of being different from men? Why not remain identified with one’s first love, the mother, and develop with her new ways of speaking and writing, of constituting one’s subjectivity, that do not lead to women’s oppression? Why lead life on men’s terms at all?

In earlier editions of this book, I had included theorists like Carol Gilligan and Nel Noddings with psychoanalytic feminists because of their interest in women’s psychology. But I now realize that Gilligan and Noddings are not the same kind of thinkers as those I currently classify as psychoanalytic feminists. What distinguishes Gilligan and Noddings from psychoanalytic feminists, and what links them to feminists thinkers like Sara Ruddick, Virginia Held, and Eva Feder Kittay, is their focus on the nature and practice of care. More than any other group of feminist thinkers, care-focused feminists are interested in understanding why, to a greater or lesser degree, women are usually associated with the emotions and the body, and men with reason and the mind. On a related note, care-focused feminists seek to understand why women as a group are usually linked with interdependence, community, and connection, whereas men as a group are usually linked with independence, selfhood, and autonomy. These thinkers offer a variety of explanations for why societies divide realities into things “feminine” and things “masculine.” But whatever their explanation for men’s and women’s differing gender identities and behaviors, care-focused feminists regard women’s hypothetically greater capacities for care as a human strength, so much so that they tend to privilege feminist approaches to an ethics of care over the reigning ethics of justice in the Western world. In addi- tion, care-focused feminists provide excellent explanations for why women as a group disproportionately shoulder the burden of care in virtually all societies, and why men as a group do not routinely engage in caring practices. Finally, care-focused feminists provide plans and policies for reducing women’s burden of care so that women have as much time and energy as men have to develop themselves as full persons.

Like all the feminists who preceded them and now overlap with them, multicultural, global, and postcolonial feminists focus on the causes of and explanations for women’s subordination to men worldwide. However, these groups’ main contribution to feminist thought is their strong commitment to highlighting the differences that exist among women and identifying ways that diverse kinds of women can work together. Unafraid of the challenges that women’s differences sometimes present to women’s alleged solidarity, multicultural, global, and postcolonial feminists courageously address the

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ways in which race, ethnicity, sexual identity, gender identity, age, religion, level of education, occupation/profession, marital status, health condition, and so on, may separate one group of women from another. They aim to reveal how contextual factors shape women’s self-understanding as being oppressed or not oppressed. They also seek to help feminists reject both female essentialism (the view that all women are, down deep, exactly alike) and female chauvinism (the view that privileged women should take it upon themselves to speak on behalf of all women).

Although the terms “multicultural,” “global,” and “postcolonial” are often used interchangeably to describe feminists who focus on women’s varying social, cultural, economic, and political contexts, I reserve the term “multicultural” to denote feminists who focus on the differences that exist among women who live within the boundaries of one nation-state or geographical area. In turn, I use the terms “global” or “postcolonial” to denote feminists who focus on the ways in which most women’s lives in most developing nations are generally worse off than most women’s lives in most developed nations. These feminists challenge women in developed nations to acknowledge that many of their privileges are bought at the expense of the well-being of women in developing nations. Regrettably, the harmful effects of nineteenth- and twentieth-century coloniza- tion campaigns are still felt in the so-called Third World.

As attentive as multicultural, global, and postcolonial feminists are to the complexities of human beings’ relationships to each other, they do not focus, as ecofeminists do, on human beings’ relationships to the nonhuman world—that is, to nature itself. In many ways, ecofeminists offer the broadest and also the most demanding conception of the self ’s relationship to the other. According to ecofeminists, we are connected not only to each other but also to the non- human world: animal and even vegetative. Unfortunately, we do not always acknowledge our responsibilities to each other, let alone to the nonhuman world. As a result, we deplete the world’s natural resources with our machines, pollute the environment with our toxic fumes, and stockpile arms centers with tools of total destruction. In so doing, we delude ourselves that we are control- ling nature and enhancing ourselves. In point of fact, said ecofeminist Ynestra King, nature is already rebelling, and each day the human self is impoverished as yet another forest is “detreed” and yet another animal species is extinguished.19 The only way not to destroy ourselves, insist ecofeminists, is to strengthen our relationships not only with each other but also with the nonhuman world.

Challenging all the versions of feminism that have preceded them, post- modern and third-wave feminists push feminist thought to new limits. Although postmodern feminists’ insistence that women are in no way “one” poses problems for feminist theory and action (if women do not exist as a class

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or group or collectivity, it is difficult to fight against women’s oppression), this insistence also adds needed fuel to the feminist fires of plurality, multiplicity, and difference. Moreover, postmodern feminists’ rejection of in-the-box thinking helps feminists speak and write in ways that overcome the binary oppositions of traditional patriarchal thought. Postmodern feminists erase the lines between masculine and feminine, sex and gender, male and female. They seek to break down the conceptual grids that have prevented women from defining themselves in their own terms rather than through men’s terms.

Third-wave feminists, eager to shape a new-millennium feminism, push just as hard as postmodern feminists do to rethink the category “woman/women.” For third-wave feminists, difference is the way the world is. Conflict and even self-contradiction are the name of the game as women seek new identities for themselves and stir up what Judith Butler termed “gender trouble.”20 Yet for all their differences from first-wave and second-wave feminists, third-wave femi- nists have no intentions of thinking, speaking, or writing themselves and other women out of existence. Instead, they aim to answer the “woman question”— Who is she and what does she want?—in ways that it has never been answered before.

Clearly, it is a major challenge to contemporary feminism to reconcile the pressures for diversity and difference with those for integration and com- monality. Fortunately, contemporary feminists do not shrink from this chal- lenge. It seems that each year, we better understand the reasons why women worldwide are the “second sex” and how to change this state of affairs. In this third edition of my book, I have tried to discuss the weaknesses as well as the strengths of each of the feminist perspectives presented here. In so doing, I have aimed not so much at neutrality as I have at respect, since each feminist perspective has made a rich and lasting contribution to feminist thought. At the end of this book, readers looking for one winning view, a champion left standing after an intellectual free-for-all, will be disappointed. Although all feminist perspectives cannot be equally correct, there is no need here for a definitive final say. Instead there is always room for growth, improvement, reconsideration, and expansion for true feminist thinkers. And this breathing space helps keep us free from the authoritarian trap of having to know it all.

As I revised each chapter of this book and decided to delete some old chapters and add some new ones, I became increasingly convinced that I write out of a specific background of experience, as do we all. Thus, I have tried very hard to avoid either accepting or rejecting an analysis simply be- cause it resonates or fails to resonate with my own ideas and experiences. Whether I have largely succeeded or mostly failed in this attempt is some- thing I must leave up to you, my thoughtful readers.

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1 Liberal Feminism

Liberalism, the school of political thought from which liberal feminism has evolved, is in the process of reconceptualizing, reconsidering, and restruc- turing itself.1 Because this transformation is well under way, it is difficult to determine the precise status of liberal feminist thought. Therefore, if we wish to gauge the accuracy of Susan Wendell’s provocative claim that liberal feminism has largely outgrown its original base,2 we must first understand the assumptions of both classical and welfare liberalism. It may turn out that liberal feminists are “liberal” only in some ways.

Conceptual Roots of Liberal Feminist Thought and Action In Feminist Politics and Human Nature,3 Alison Jaggar observed that liberal po- litical thought generally locates our uniqueness as human persons in our capac- ity for rationality. The belief that reason distinguishes us from other animals is, however, relatively uninformative, so liberals have attempted to define reason in various ways, stressing either its moral aspects or its prudential aspects. When reason is defined as the ability to comprehend the rational principles of moral- ity, then the value of individual autonomy is stressed. In contrast, when reason is defined as the ability to determine the best means to achieve some desired end, then the value of self-fulfillment is stressed.4

Whether liberals define reason largely in moral or prudential terms, they nevertheless concur that a just society allows individuals to exercise their autonomy and to fulfill themselves. Liberals claim that the “right” must be given priority over the “good.”5 In other words, our entire system of individ- ual rights is justified because these rights constitute a framework within which we can all choose our own separate goods, provided we do not deprive others

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of theirs. Such a priority defends religious freedom, for example, neither on the grounds that it will increase the general welfare nor on the grounds that a godly life is inherently worthier than a godless one, but simply on the grounds that people have a right to practice their own brand of spirituality. The same holds for all those rights we generally identify as fundamental.

The proviso that the right takes priority over the good complicates the con- struction of a just society. For if it is true, as most liberals claim, that resources are limited and each individual, even when restrained by altruism,6 has an interest in securing as many available resources as possible, then it will be a challenge to create political, economic, and social institutions that maximize the individual’s freedom without jeopardizing the community’s welfare.

When it comes to state interventions in the private sphere (family or domestic society),7 liberals agree that the less we see of Big Brother in our bedrooms, bathrooms, kitchens, recreation rooms, and nurseries, the better. We all need places where we can, among family and friends, shed our public personae and be our “real” selves. When it comes to state intervention in the public sphere (civil or political society),8 however, a difference of opinion emerges between so-called classical, or libertarian, liberals on the one hand, and so-called welfare, or egalitarian, liberals on the other.9

Classical liberals think the state should confine itself to protecting civil liberties (e.g., property rights, voting rights, freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of association). They also think that, instead of interfering with the free market, the state should simply provide everyone with an equal opportunity to determine his or her own accumulations within that market. In contrast, welfare liberals believe the state should focus on economic dis- parities as well as civil liberties. As they see it, individuals enter the market with differences based on initial advantage, inherent talent, and sheer luck. At times, these differences are so great that some individuals cannot take their fair share of what the market has to offer unless some adjustments are made to offset their liabilities. Because of this perceived state of affairs, wel- fare liberals call for government interventions in the economy such as legal services, school loans, food stamps, low-cost housing, Medicaid, Medicare, Social Security, and Aid to Families with Dependent Children so that the market does not perpetuate or otherwise solidify huge inequalities.

Although both classical-liberal and welfare-liberal streams of thought appear in liberal feminist thought, most contemporary liberal feminists seem to favor welfare liberalism. In fact, when Susan Wendell (not herself a liberal feminist) described contemporary liberal feminist thought, she stressed it is “committed to major economic re-organization and considerable redistribution of wealth, since one of the modern political goals most closely associated with liberal feminism is

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equality of opportunity, which would undoubtedly require and lead to both.”10 Very few, if any, contemporary liberal feminists favor the elimination of government-funded safety nets for society’s most vulnerable members.

Since it is nearly impossible to discuss all liberal feminist thinkers, move- ments, and organizations in a single book, I have decided to focus only on Mary Wollstonecraft, John Stuart Mill, Harriet Taylor (Mill), the woman’s suffrage movement in the United States, Betty Friedan, and the National Organization for Women. My aim is to construct a convincing argument that, for all its shortcomings, the overall goal of liberal feminism is the wor- thy one of creating “a just and compassionate society in which freedom flourishes.”11 Only in such a society can women and men thrive equally.

Eighteenth-Century Thought: Equal Education Mary Wollstonecraft wrote at a time (1759–1799) when the economic and social position of European women was in decline. Up until the eighteenth century, productive work (work that generated an income from which a fam- ily could live) had been done in and around the family home by women as well as men. But then the forces of industrial capitalism began to draw labor out of the private home and into the public workplace. At first, this industri- alization moved slowly and unevenly, making its strongest impact on married, bourgeois women. These women were the first to find themselves left at home with little productive work to do. Married to relatively wealthy professional and entrepreneurial men, these women had no incentive to work outside the home or, if they had several servants, even inside it.12

In reading Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of Woman,13 we see how affluence worked against these eighteenth-century, married, bourgeois women. Wollstonecraft compared such “privileged” women (whom she hoped to inspire to a fully human mode of existence) to members of “the feathered race,” birds that are confined to cages and that have nothing to do but preen themselves and “stalk with mock majesty from perch to perch.”14 Middle-class ladies were, in Wollstonecraft’s estimation, “kept” women who sacrificed health, liberty, and virtue for whatever prestige, pleasure, and power their husbands could provide. Because these women were not allowed to exercise outdoors lest they tan their lily-white skin, they lacked healthy bodies. Because they were not permitted to make their own decisions, they lacked liberty. And because they were discouraged from developing their powers of reason—given that a great premium was placed on indulging self and gratifying others, especially men and children—they lacked virtue.

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Although Wollstonecraft did not use terms such as “socially constructed gen- der roles,” she denied that women are, by nature, more pleasure seeking and pleasure giving than men. She reasoned that if they were confined to the same cages that trap women, men would develop the same flawed characters.15 Denied the chance to develop their rational powers, to become moral persons with con- cerns, causes, and commitments beyond personal pleasure, men, like women, would become overly “emotional,” a term Wollstonecraft tended to associate with hypersensitivity, extreme narcissism, and excessive self-indulgence.

Given her generally negative assessment of emotion and the extraordinarily high premium she placed on reason as the capacity distinguishing human beings from animals, it is no wonder Wollstonecraft abhorred Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Emile.16 In this classic of educational philosophy, Rousseau por- trayed the development of rationality as the most important educational goal for boys, but not for girls. Rousseau was committed to sexual dimorphism, the view that “rational man” is the perfect complement for “emotional woman,” and vice versa.17 As he saw it, men should be educated in virtues such as courage, temperance, justice, and fortitude, whereas women should be edu- cated in virtues such as patience, docility, good humor, and flexibility. Thus, Rousseau’s ideal male student, Emile, studies the humanities, the social sci- ences, and the natural sciences, whereas Rousseau’s ideal female student, Sophie, dabbles in music, art, fiction, and poetry while refining her homemak- ing skills. Rousseau hoped sharpening Emile’s mental capacities and limiting Sophie’s would make Emile a self-governing citizen and a dutiful paterfamilias and Sophie an understanding, responsive wife and a caring, loving mother.

Wollstonecraft agreed with Rousseau’s projections for Emile but not with his projections for Sophie. Drawing upon her familiarity with middle-class ladies, she predicted that, fed a steady diet of “novels, music, poetry, and gallantry,” Sophie would become a detriment rather than a complement to her husband, a creature of bad sensibility rather than good sense.18 Her hormones surging, her passions erupting, her emotions churning, Sophie would show no practical sense in performing her wifely and, especially, motherly duties.

Wollstonecraft’s cure for Sophie was to provide her, like Emile, with the kind of education that permits people to develop their rational and moral capacities, their full human potential. At times, Wollstonecraft constructed her argument in favor of educational parity in utilitarian terms. She claimed that unlike emotional and dependent women, who routinely shirk their domestic duties and indulge their carnal desires, rational and independent women will tend to be “observant daughters,” “affectionate sisters,” “faithful wives,” and “reasonable mothers.”19 The truly educated woman will be a major contributor to society’s welfare. Rather than wasting her time and

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energy on idle entertainments, she will manage her household—especially her children—“properly.”20 But it would be a mistake to think that most of Wollstonecraft’s arguments for educational parity were utilitarian. On the contrary, her overall line of reasoning in A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was remarkably similar to Immanuel Kant’s overall line of reasoning in the Groundwork of the Metaphysic of Morals—namely, that unless a person acts au- tonomously, he or she acts as less than a fully human person.21 Wollstonecraft insisted if rationality is the capacity distinguishing human beings from ani- mals, then unless females are mere animals (a description most men refuse to apply to their own mothers, wives, and daughters), women as well as men have this capacity. Thus, society owes girls the same education that it owes boys, simply because all human beings deserve an equal chance to develop their rational and moral capacities so they can achieve full personhood.

Repeatedly, Wollstonecraft celebrated reason, usually at the expense of emotion. As Jane Roland Martin said, “In making her case for the rights of women . . . [Wollstonecraft] presents us with an ideal of female educa- tion that gives pride of place to traits traditionally associated with males at the expense of others traditionally associated with females.”22 It did not occur to Wollstonecraft to question the value of these traditional male traits. Nor did it occur to her to blame children’s lack of virtue on their absentee fathers, who should be summoned, in her view, only when “chas- tisement” is necessary.23 On the contrary, she simply assumed traditional male traits were “good,” and women—not men—were the ones who were rationally and morally deficient.

Throughout the pages of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, Woll- stonecraft urged women to become autonomous decision makers; but be- yond insisting that the path to autonomy goes through the academy, she provided women with little concrete guidance.24 Although Wollstonecraft toyed with the idea that women’s autonomy might depend on women’s economic and political independence from men, in the end she decided well-educated women did not need to be economically self-sufficient or po- litically active in order to be autonomous. In fact, Wollstonecraft dismissed the woman’s suffrage movement as a waste of time, since in her estimation, the whole system of legal representation was merely a “convenient handle for despotism.”25

Despite the limitations of her analysis, Wollstonecraft did present a vision of a woman strong in mind and body, a person who is not a slave to her pas- sions, her husband, or her children. For Wollstonecraft, the ideal woman is less interested in fulfilling herself—if by self-fulfillment is meant any sort of pandering to duty-distracting desires—than in exercising self-control.26 In

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order to liberate herself from the oppressive roles of emotional cripple, petty shrew, and narcissistic sex object, a woman must obey the commands of reason and discharge her wifely and motherly duties faithfully.

What Wollstonecraft most wanted for women is personhood. She claimed that a woman should not be reduced to the “toy of man, his rattle,” which “must jingle in his ears whenever, dismissing reason, he chooses to be amused.”27 In other words, a woman is not a “mere means,” or instrument, to one or more man’s pleasure or happiness. Rather, she is an “end-in-herself,” a rational agent whose dignity consists in having the capacity for self-determination.28 To treat someone as a mere means is to treat her as less than a person, as someone who exists not for herself but as an appendage to someone else. So, for example, if a husband treats his wife as no more than a pretty indoor plant, he treats her as an object that he nurtures merely as a means to his own delight. Similarly, if a woman lets herself so be treated, she lets herself be treated in ways that do not accord with her status as a full human person. Rather than assuming responsibil- ity for her own development and growing into a mighty redwood, she forsakes her freedom and lets others shape her into a stunted bonsai tree. No woman, in- sisted Wollstonecraft, should permit such violence to be done to her.

Nineteenth-Century Thought: Equal Liberty Writing approximately one hundred years later, John Stuart Mill and Harriet Taylor (Mill) joined Wollstonecraft in celebrating rationality. But they con- ceived of rationality not only morally, as autonomous decision making, but also prudentially, as calculative reason, or using your head to get what you want. That their understanding of rationality should differ from that of Wollstonecraft is not surprising. Unlike Wollstonecraft, both Mill and Taylor claimed the ordinary way to maximize aggregate utility (happiness/pleasure) is to permit individuals to pursue their desires, provided the individuals do not hinder or obstruct each other in the process. Mill and Taylor also departed from Wollstonecraft in insisting that if society is to achieve sexual equality, or gender justice, then society must provide women with the same political rights and economic opportunities as well as the same education that men enjoy.

Like Mary Wollstonecraft, who twice attempted suicide, refused marriage until late in life, and had a child out of wedlock, John Stuart Mill and Harriet Taylor led fairly unconventional lives. They met in 1830, when Harriet Taylor was already married to John Taylor and was the mother of two sons (a third child, Helen, would be born later). Harriet Taylor and Mill were immediately

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attracted to each other, both intellectually and emotionally. They carried on a close, supposedly platonic relationship for twenty years, until the death of John Taylor, whereupon they married. During the years before John Taylor’s death, Harriet Taylor and Mill routinely saw each other for dinner and fre- quently spent weekends together along the English coast. John Taylor agreed to this arrangement in return for the “external formality” of Harriet’s residing “as his wife in his house.”29

Due to their unorthodox bargain with John Taylor, Harriet Taylor and Mill found the time to author, separately and conjointly, several essays on sexual equality. Scholars generally agree that Taylor and Mill coauthored “Early Essays on Marriage and Divorce” (1832), that Taylor wrote the “Enfranchisement of Women” (1851), and that Mill wrote “The Subjection of Women” (1869). The question of these works’ authorship is significant because Taylor’s views sometimes diverged from Mill’s.

Given their personal situation, Mill and Taylor’s focus on topics such as marriage and divorce is not surprising. Confident in their relationship, Mill and Taylor did not feel they had to agree with each other about how to serve women’s and children’s best interests. Because she accepted the traditional view that maternal ties are stronger than paternal ties, Taylor simply assumed the mother would be the one to rear the children to adulthood in the event of divorce. Thus, she cautioned women to have few children. In contrast, Mill urged couples to marry late, have children late, and live in extended families or communelike situations so as to minimize divorce’s disrupting effects on children’s lives.30 Apparently, Mill envisioned that divorced men as well as divorced women would play a role in their children’s lives.

Although Taylor, unlike Mill, did not contest traditional assumptions about male and female child-rearing roles, she did contest traditional as- sumptions about women’s supposed preference for marriage and mother- hood over a career or occupation. Mill contended that even after women were fully educated and totally enfranchised, most of them would choose to remain in the private realm, where their primary function would be to “adorn and beautify” rather than to “support” life.31 In contrast, in “En- franchisement of Women,” Taylor argued that women needed to do more than read books and cast ballots; they also needed to be partners with men “in the labors and gains, risks and remunerations of productive industry.”32 Thus, Taylor predicted that if society gave women a bona fide choice be- tween devoting their lives “to one animal function and its consequence”33 on the one hand, and writing great books, discovering new worlds, and building mighty empires on the other, many women would be only too happy to leave “home, sweet home” behind them.

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Whereas the foregoing passages from “Enfranchisement” suggest Taylor believed a woman had to choose between housewifery and mothering on the one hand and working outside the home on the other, some other passages indicate she believed a woman had a third option: namely, adding a career or an occupation to her domestic and maternal roles and responsibilities. In fact, Taylor claimed a married woman cannot be her husband’s true equal unless she has the confidence and sense of entitlement that come from con- tributing “materially to the support of the family.”34 Decidedly unimpressed by Mill’s 1832 argument that women’s economic equality would depress the economy and subsequently lower wages,35 Taylor wrote instead: “Even if every woman, as matters now stand, had a claim on some man for support, how infinitely preferable is it that part of the income should be of the woman’s earning, even if the aggregate sum were but little increased by it, rather than that she should be compelled to stand aside in order that men may be the sole earners, and the sole dispensers of what is earned.”36 In short, in order to be partners rather than servants of their husbands, wives must earn an income outside the home.

In further explaining her view that married as well as single women should work, Taylor betrayed her class bias. Insisting that women cannot both work full-time outside the home and be devoted wives and mothers without running themselves ragged, Taylor claimed that working wives with children would need a “panoply of domestic servants” to help ease their bur- dens.37 In critic Zillah Eisenstein’s estimation, Taylor’s words revealed her privileged status. Circa 1850, only upper-middle-class women like Taylor could afford to hire a slew of household workers.38 Thus, Taylor, a product of class privilege, offered rich women a way to “have it all” without offering poor women the same. Never did she wonder who would be taking care of the families of rich women’s hired female help.

Like Wollstonecraft, Taylor wrote not so much to all women as to a certain privileged class of married women. Nonetheless, her writings helped smooth the entrance of many poor as well as rich women into the public world. So, too, did Mill’s. He argued in “The Subjection of Women” that if women’s rational powers were recognized as equal to men’s, then society would reap significant benefits: public-spirited citizens for society itself, intellectually stimulating spouses for husbands, a doubling of the “mass of mental faculties available for the higher service of humanity,” and a multitude of very happy women.39 Although Mill’s case for the liberation of women did not depend on his ability to prove that all women can do anything men can do, it did depend on his ability to demonstrate that some women can do anything men can do.40 Unlike Wollstonecraft, who put no “great stress on the example of a

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few women who, from having received a masculine education, have acquired courage and resolution,”41 Mill used the life stories of exceptional women to strengthen his claim that male-female differences are not absolute but instead are differences of average. The average woman’s inability to do something the average man can do, said Mill, does not justify a law or taboo barring all women from attempting that thing.42

Mill also made the point that even if all women are worse than all men at something, this still does not justify forbidding women from trying to do that thing, for “what women by nature cannot do, it is quite superfluous to forbid them from doing. What they can do, but not so well as the men who are their competitors, competition suffices to exclude them from.”43 Although Mill believed women would fare quite well in any competitions with men, he conceded that occasionally a biological sex difference might tip the scales in favor of male competitors. Like Wollstonecraft, however, he denied the existence of general intellectual or moral differences between men and women: “I do not know a more signal instance of the blindness with which the world, including the herd of studious men, ignore and pass over all the influences of social circumstances, than their silly depreciation of the intellectual, and silly panegyrics on the moral, nature of women.”44

Also like Wollstonecraft earlier, Mill claimed that society’s ethical double standard hurts women. He thought many of the “virtues” extolled in women are, in fact, character traits that impede women’s progress toward personhood. This is as true for an ostensibly negative trait (helplessness) as for an ostensibly positive trait (unselfishness). Mill suggested that because women’s concerns were confined to the private realm, women were preoccupied with their own interests and those of their immediate families. As a result of this state of affairs, women’s unselfishness tended to take the form of extended egoism. Women’s charity typ- ically began and ended at home. They spared no effort to further the interests of their loved ones, but they showed scant regard for the common weal.

As described above, women’s family-oriented unselfishness was not the humanitarian unselfishness Mill espoused. He treasured the unselfishness that motivates people to take into account the good of society as well as the good of the individual person or small family unit. Mill believed that if women were given the same liberties men enjoy, and if women were taught to value the good of the whole, then women would develop genuine unselfishness. This belief explains Mill’s passionate pleas for women’s suf- frage. He thought that when citizens vote, they feel obligated to cast their ballots in a way that benefits all of society and not just themselves and their loved ones.45 Whether Mill was naive to think that citizens are inherently public-spirited is, of course, debatable.

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Overall, Mill went further than Wollstonecraft did in challenging men’s alleged intellectual superiority. Stressing that men’s and women’s intellectual abilities are of the same kind, Wollstonecraft nonetheless entertained the thought that women might not be able to attain the same degree of knowl- edge that men could attain.46 Mill expressed no such reservation. He insisted intellectual achievement gaps between men and women were simply the result of men’s more thorough education and privileged position. In fact, Mill was so eager to establish that men are not intellectually superior to women that he tended to err in the opposite direction, by valorizing women’s attention to details, use of concrete examples, and intuitiveness as a superior form of knowledge not often found in men.47

Unlike Taylor, and despite his high regard for women’s intellectual abilities, Mill assumed most women would continue to choose family over career even under ideal circumstances—with marriage a free contract between real equals, legal separation and divorce easily available to wives, and jobs open to women living outside the husband-wife relationship. He also assumed that women’s choice of family over career was entirely voluntary and that such a choice involved women consenting to put their other interests in life on the back burner until their children were adults: “Like a man when he chooses a profes- sion, so, when a woman marries, it may in general be understood that she makes choice of the management of a household, and the bringing up of a family, as the first call upon her exertions, during as many years of her life as may be required for the purpose; and that she renounces not all other objects and occupations, but all which are not consistent with the requirements of this.”48 Mill’s words attested to his apparent belief that ultimately, women, more than men, are responsible for maintaining family life. However enlight- ened his general views about women were, Mill could not overcome the belief that she who bears the children is the person best suited to rear them.

As noted, Taylor disagreed with Mill that truly liberated women would be willing to stay at home to rear their children to adulthood. Yet, like Mill, Taylor was fundamentally a reformist, not a revolutionary. To be sure, by inviting married women with children as well as single women to work out- side the home, Taylor did challenge the traditional division of labor within the family, where the man earns the money and the woman manages its use. But Taylor’s challenge to this aspect of the status quo did not go far enough. For example, it did not occur to her that if husbands were to parent along- side their wives and if domestic duties were equally divided, then both hus- bands and wives could work outside the home on a full-time basis, and working wives with children would not have to work a “double day” or hire a “panoply” of female servants to do their housework and childcare.

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Nineteenth-Century Action: The Suffrage Both John Stuart Mill and Harriet Taylor Mill believed women needed suf- frage in order to become men’s equals. They claimed the vote gives people the power not only to express their own political views but also to change those systems, structures, and attitudes that contribute to their own and/or others’ oppression. Thus, it is not surprising that the nineteenth-century U.S. women’s rights movement, including the woman suffrage movement, was tied to the abolitionist movement, though not always in ways that successfully married gender and race concerns.49

When white men and women began to work in earnest for the abolition of slavery, it soon became clear to female abolitionists that male abolitionists were reluctant to link the women’s rights movement with the slaves’ rights movement. Noting it was difficult for whites (or was it simply white men?) to view women (or was it simply white women?) as an oppressed group, male abolitionists persuaded female abolitionists to disassociate women’s liberty struggles from blacks’ liberty struggles. Indeed, male abolitionists even con- vinced famed feminist orator Lucy Stone to lecture on abolition instead of women’s rights whenever her audience size was noticeably large.50

Convinced their male colleagues would reward them for being team play- ers, the U.S. women who attended the 1840 World Anti-Slavery Convention in London thought that women would play a major role at the meeting. Nothing could have proved less true. Not even Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, two of the most prominent leaders of the U.S. women’s rights movement, were allowed to speak at the meeting. Angered by the way in which the men at the convention had silenced women, Mott and Stanton vowed to hold a women’s rights convention upon their return to the United States. Eight years later, in 1848, three hundred women and men met in Seneca Falls, New York, and produced a Declaration of Sentiments and twelve resolutions. Modeled on the Declaration of Independence, the Declaration of Sentiments stressed the issues Mill and Taylor had emphasized in England, particularly the need for reforms in marriage, divorce, property, and child cus- tody laws. The twelve resolutions emphasized women’s rights to express them- selves in public—to speak out on the burning issues of the day, especially “in regard to the great subjects of morals and religion,” which women were sup- posedly more qualified to address than men.51 The only one of these resolu- tions the Seneca Falls Convention did not unanimously endorse was Resolution 9, Susan B. Anthony’s Woman’s Suffrage Resolution: “Resolved, that it is the duty of the women of this country to secure to themselves their

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sacred right to the franchise.”52 Many convention delegates were reluctant to press such an “extreme” demand for fear that all of their demands would be rejected. Still, with the help of abolitionist Frederick Douglass, Resolution 9 did manage to pass.

Assessing the Seneca Falls Convention from the vantage point of the twentieth century, critics observe that, with the exception of Lucretia Mott’s hastily added resolution to secure for women “an equal participation with men in the various trades, professions, and commerce,”53 the nineteenth- century meeting failed to address class concerns such as those that troubled underpaid white female mill and factory workers. Moreover, the convention rendered black women nearly invisible. In the same way that the abolitionist movement had focused on the rights of black men, the nineteenth-century women’s rights movement focused on the rights of mostly privileged white women. Neither white women nor white men seemed to notice much about black women.

Yet, many working-class white women and black women did contribute to the nineteenth-century women’s rights movement. In fact, some black women were exceptionally gifted feminist orators. For example, Sojourner Truth delivered her often quoted speech on behalf of women at an 1851 women’s rights convention in Akron, Ohio. Responding to a group of male hecklers, who taunted that it was ludicrous for (white) women to desire the vote since they could not even step over a puddle or get into a horse carriage without male assistance, Sojourner Truth pointed out that no man had ever extended such help to her. Demanding the audience look at her black body, Sojourner Truth proclaimed that her “womanhood,” her “female nature,” had never pre- vented her from working, acting, and yes, speaking like a man: “I have ploughed, and planted, and gathered into barns and no man could head me! And ain’t I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man—when I could get it—and bear the lash as well! And ain’t I a woman? I have borne thirteen children and seen them most all sold off to slavery, and when I cried out with my mother’s grief, none but Jesus heard me! And ain’t I a woman?”54

As the fates would have it, the Civil War began just as the women’s rights movement was gaining momentum. Seeing in this tragic war their best opportunity to free the slaves, male abolitionists again asked feminists to put women’s causes on the back burner, which they reluctantly did. But the end of the Civil War did not bring women’s liberation with it, and feminists increasingly found themselves at odds with recently emancipated black men. Concerned that women’s rights would again be lost in the struggle to secure black (men’s) rights, the male as well as female delegates to an 1866 national women’s rights convention decided to establish an Equal Rights Association.

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Co-chaired by Frederick Douglass and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the associa- tion had as its announced purpose the unification of the black (men’s) and woman suffrage struggles. There is considerable evidence, however, that Stanton and some of her co-workers actually “perceived the organization as a means to ensure that Black men would not receive the franchise unless and until white women were also its recipients.”55 Unmoved by Douglass’s and Truth’s observation that on account of their extreme vulnerability, black men needed the vote even more than women did, Anthony and Stanton were among those who successfully argued for the dissolution of the Equal Rights Association for fear that the association might indeed endorse the passage of the Fifteenth Amendment, which enfranchised black men but not women.

Upon the dissolution of the Equal Rights Association, Anthony and Stanton established the National Woman Suffrage Association. At approximately the same time, Lucy Stone, who had some serious philosophical disagreements with Stanton and especially Anthony about the role of organized religion in women’s oppression, founded the American Woman Suffrage Association. Hencefor- ward, the U.S. women’s rights movement would be split in two.

In the main, the National Woman Suffrage Association forwarded a revolu- tionary feminist agenda for women, whereas the American Woman Suffrage As- sociation pushed a reformist feminist agenda. Most American women gravitated toward the more moderate American Woman Suffrage Association. By the time these two associations merged in 1890 to form the National American Woman Suffrage Association, the wide-ranging, vociferous women’s rights movement of the early nineteenth century had been transformed into the single-issue, rela- tively tame woman’s suffrage movement of the late nineteenth century. From 1890 until 1920, when the Nineteenth Amendment was passed, the National American Woman Suffrage Association confined almost all of its activities to gaining the vote for women. Victorious after fifty-two years of concerted strug- gle, many of the exhausted suffragists chose to believe that simply by gaining the vote, women had indeed become men’s equals.56

Twentieth-Century Action: Equal Rights For nearly forty years after the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, femi- nists went about their work relatively quietly in the United States. Then, around 1960, a rebellious generation of feminists loudly proclaimed as fact what the suffragists Stanton and Anthony had always suspected: In order to be fully liberated, women need economic opportunities and sexual freedoms as well as civil liberties. Like their grandmothers, some of these young

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women pushed a reformist, liberal agenda, whereas others forwarded a more revolutionary, radical program of action.

By the mid-1960s, most liberal feminists had joined an emerging women’s rights group, such as the National Organization for Women (NOW), the National Women’s Political Caucus (NWPC), or the Women’s Equity Action League (WEAL). The general purpose of these groups was to improve women’s status “by applying legal, social, and other pressures upon institutions ranging from the Bell Telephone Company to television networks to the major political parties.”57 In contrast, most radical feminists had banded together in one or another women’s liberation groups. Much smaller and more personally focused than the liberal women’s rights groups, these radical women’s liberation groups aimed to increase women’s consciousness about women’s oppression. The groups’ spirit was that of the revolutionary new left, whose goal was not to reform what they regarded as an elitist, capitalistic, com- petitive, individualistic system, but to replace it with an egalitarian, socialistic, cooperative, communitarian, sisterhood-is-powerful system. Among the largest of these radical women’s liberation groups were the Women’s International Ter- rorist Conspiracy from Hell (WITCH), the Redstockings, the Feminists, and the New York Radical Feminists. Although Maren Lockwood Carden correctly noted in her 1974 book, The New Feminist Movement, that the ideological contrasts between the women’s rights and women’s liberation groups of the 1960s had blurred by the mid-1970s,58 women’s rights groups still remained less revolutionary than women’s liberation groups.

Because this chapter is about liberal feminists, I reserve discussion of radi- cal women’s liberation groups to Chapter 2. Here I appropriately concentrate on the history of twentieth-century liberal women’s rights groups and their activities, most of which have been in the area of legislation. Between the pas- sage of the Nineteenth Amendment and the advent of the second wave of U.S. feminism during the 1960s, only two official feminist groups—the National Woman’s Party and the National Federation of Business and Profes- sional Women’s Clubs (BPW)—promulgated women’s rights. Despite their efforts, however, discrimination against women did not end, largely because the importance of women’s rights had not yet been impressed on the con- sciousness (and conscience) of the bulk of the U.S. population. This state of affairs changed with the eruption of the civil rights movement. Sensitized to the myriad ways in which U.S. systems, structures, and laws oppressed blacks, those active in or at least sympathetic toward the civil rights movement were able to see analogies between discrimination against blacks and discrimina- tion against women. In 1961, President John F. Kennedy established the Commission on the Status of Women, which produced much new data about

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women and resulted in the formation of the Citizens’ Advisory Council, vari- ous state commissions on the status of women, and the passage of the Equal Pay Act. When Congress passed the 1964 Civil Rights Act—amended with the Title VII provision to prohibit discrimination on the basis of sex as well as race, color, religion, or national origin by private employers, employment agencies, and unions—a woman shouted from the congressional gallery: “We made it! God bless America!”59 Unfortunately, this woman’s jubilation and that of women in general was short-lived; the courts were reluctant to enforce Title VII’s “sex amendment.” Feeling betrayed by the system, women’s joy turned to anger, an anger that feminist activists used to mobilize women to fight for their civil rights with the same passion blacks had fought for theirs.

Among these feminist activists was Betty Friedan, one of the founders and first president of the National Organization for Women (NOW). Friedan reflected on how she and some of her associates had reacted to the courts’ refusal to take Title VII’s “sex amendment” seriously: “The ab- solute necessity for a civil rights movement for women had reached such a point of subterranean explosive urgency by 1966, that it only took a few of us to get together to ignite the spark—and it spread like a nuclear chain reaction.”60

The “spark” to which Friedan pointed was the formation of NOW, the first explicitly feminist group in the United States in the twentieth cen- tury to challenge sex discrimination in all spheres of life: social, political, economic, and personal. After considerable behind-the-scenes maneuver- ing, Friedan—then viewed as a home-breaker because of her controversial book, The Feminine Mystique (see the next section for discussion)—was elected NOW’s first president in 1966 by its three hundred charter mem- bers, male and female.

Although NOW’s first members included radical and conservative femi- nists as well as liberal feminists, it quickly became clear that NOW’s essential identity and agenda were fundamentally liberal. For example, the aim of NOW’s 1967 Bill of Rights for Women was to secure for women the same rights men have. NOW demanded the following for women:

I. That the U.S. Congress immediately pass the Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution to provide that “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex,” and that such then be immediately ratified by the several States.

II. That equal employment opportunity be guaranteed to all women, as well as men, by insisting that the Equal Employment Opportunity Com- mission enforces the prohibitions against racial discrimination.

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III. That women be protected by law to ensure their rights to return to their jobs within a reasonable time after childbirth without the loss of sen- iority or other accrued benefits, and be paid maternity leave as a form of social security and/or employee benefit.

IV. Immediate revision of tax laws to permit the deduction of home and child-care expenses for working parents.

V. That child-care facilities be established by law on the same basis as parks, libraries, and public schools, adequate to the needs of children from the pre-school years through adolescence, as a community resource to be used by all citizens from all income levels.

VI. That the right of women to be educated to their full potential equally with men be secured by Federal and State legislation, eliminating all discrimination and segregation by sex, written and unwritten, at all levels of education, including colleges, graduate and professional schools, loans and fellowships, and Federal and State training programs such as the Job Corps.

VII. The right of women in poverty to secure job training, housing, and family allowances on equal terms with men, but without prejudice to a parent’s right to remain at home to care for his or her children; revision of welfare legislation and poverty programs which deny women dignity, pri- vacy, and self-respect.

VIII. The right of women to control their own reproductive lives by re- moving from the penal code laws limiting access to contraceptive informa- tion and devices, and by repealing penal laws governing abortion.61

NOW’s list of demands pleased the organization’s liberal members but made both its conservative and radical members angry, albeit for different reasons. Whereas conservative members objected to the push for permissive contraception and abortion laws, radical members were angered by NOW’s failure to support women’s sexual rights, particularly the right to choose between heterosexual, bisexual, and lesbian lifestyles. Missing from NOW’s 1967 Bill of Rights was any mention of important women’s issues such as domestic violence, rape, sexual harassment, and pornography.62

Although Friedan acknowledged that “the sex-role debate . . . cannot be avoided if equal opportunity in employment, education and civil rights are ever to mean more than paper rights,”63 she still insisted “that the gut issues of this revolution involve employment and education and new social institu- tions and not sexual fantasy.”64 Worried that NOW would change its tradi- tional liberal focus to a more radical one, Friedan was among those who most strongly opposed public support of lesbianism by NOW. Allegedly, she termed NOW’s lesbian members a “lavender menace,”65 since, as she saw it, they alienated mainstream society from feminists in general.

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Friedan’s concerns about the “lavender menace” notwithstanding, NOW eventually endorsed four resolutions forwarded by “the lavender menace,” the Gay Liberation Front Women and Radical Lesbians. The resolutions, presented at NOW’s 1970 Congress to Unite Women, read:

1. Women’s Liberation is a lesbian plot. 2. Whenever the label lesbian is used against the movement collectively

or against women individually, it is to be affirmed, not denied. 3. In all discussions of birth control, homosexuality must be included as

a legitimate method of contraception. 4. All sex education curricula must include lesbianism as a valid, legitimate

form of sexual expression and love.66

Moreover, NOW began to stress that its aim was to serve not only the women most likely to survive and thrive in the system but any woman who believes women’s rights should be equal to men’s. Beginning with the 1971 presidency of Arlein Hernandez, a Hispanic woman, a diverse array of minority and lesbian women (including Patricia Ireland, president of NOW from 1993 to 2001) assumed leadership as well as membership roles in NOW.67 The organization’s greater attention to women’s differ- ences meant its members could no longer claim to know what all women want but only what specific groups of women want. Increasingly, the intel- lectual energies of NOW as well as other women’s rights groups became focused on the implications of the so-called sameness-difference debate: Is gender equality best achieved by stressing women’s oneness as a gender or their diversity as individuals, the similarities between women and men or the differences between them? To this day, the many answers to this ques- tion continue to shape and reshape NOW’s political agenda.

Twentieth-Century Thought: Sameness Versus Difference It is instructive to reflect upon Betty Friedan’s career as a writer not only because of her identification with NOW but also because of her own evolu- tion as a thinker who first took it for granted that all women are the same and who then came to quite a different conclusion. Like most contemporary lib- eral feminists, Friedan gradually accepted both the radical feminist critique that liberal feminists are prone to co-optation by the “male establishment” and the conservative feminist critique that liberal feminists are out of touch with the bulk of U.S. women who hold the institutions of marriage, mother- hood, and the family in high regard. When she wrote her 1963 classic, The

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Feminine Mystique,68 Friedan seemed oblivious to any other perspectives than those of white, middle-class, heterosexual, educated women who found the traditional roles of wife and mother unsatisfying. She wrote that in lieu of more meaningful goals, these women spent too much time cleaning their al- ready tidy homes, improving their already attractive appearances, and in- dulging their already spoiled children.69 Focusing on this unappealing picture of family life in affluent U.S. suburbs, Friedan concluded that contemporary women needed to find meaningful work in the full-time, public workforce. Wives’ and mothers’ partial absence from home would enable husbands and children to become more self-sufficient people, capable of cooking their own meals and doing their own laundry.70

Although Friedan had little patience for obsequious wives and doting moth- ers, she did not, as some critics thought, demand women sacrifice marriage and motherhood for a high-powered career. On the contrary, she believed a woman could have a loving family as well: “The assumption of your own identity, equality, and even political power does not mean you stop needing to love, and be loved by, a man, or that you stop caring for your own kids.”71 In Friedan’s estimation, the error in the feminine mystique was not that it valued marriage and motherhood but that it overvalued these two institutions. To think that a woman who is a wife and mother has no time for a full-time, professional career is to limit her development as a full human person, said Friedan. As soon as a woman sees housework for what it is—something to get out of the way, to be done “quickly and efficiently”—and sees marriage and motherhood for what it is, a part of her life but not all of it, she will find plenty of time and energy to develop her total self in “creative work” outside the home.72 With just a bit of help, any woman, like any man, can meet all of her personal obli- gations and thereby become free to assume significant roles and responsibilities in the public world, reasoned Friedan.

In critics’ estimation, The Feminine Mystique explained well enough why marriage and motherhood are not enough for a certain kind of woman. But as the critics saw it, the book failed to address a host of issues deeper than “the problem that has no name”—Friedan’s tag for the dissatisfaction sup- posedly felt by suburban, white, educated, middle-class, heterosexual house- wives in the United States. In particular, The Feminine Mystique misjudged just how difficult it would be for even privileged women to combine a career with marriage and motherhood unless major structural changes were made both within and outside the family. Like Wollstonecraft, Taylor, and Mill before her, Friedan sent women out into the public realm without summon- ing men into the private domain to pick up their fair share of the slack.

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By the time she wrote The Second Stage,73 about twenty years after The Femi- nine Mystique, Friedan had come to see that her critics were right. Often it is very difficult for a woman to combine marriage, motherhood, and full-time work outside the home. Observing the ways in which some members of her daughter’s generation ran themselves ragged in the name of feminism—trying to be full-time career women as well as full-time housewives and mothers— Friedan concluded that 1980s “superwomen” were no less oppressed (albeit for different reasons) than their 1960s “stay-at-home” mothers had been. Increas- ingly, she urged feminists to ask themselves whether women either can or should try to meet not simply one but two standards of perfection: the one set in the workplace by traditional men, who had wives to take care of all their non- workplace needs, and the one set in the home by traditional women, whose whole sense of worth, power, and mastery came from being ideal housewives and mothers.74

Friedan’s own answer to the question she posed was that women needed to stop trying both to “do it all” and to “be it all.” She insisted, however, that the proper cure for the superwoman syndrome was not simply to renounce love in favor of work, or vice versa. On the contrary, said Friedan, women who chose either work or love often told her they regretted their decision. For example, one woman who renounced marriage and motherhood for a full-time career confessed to Friedan: “I was the first woman in management here. I gave every- thing to the job. It was exciting at first, breaking in where women never were before. Now it’s just a job. But it’s the devastating loneliness that’s the worst. I can’t stand coming back to this apartment alone every night. I’d like a house, maybe a garden. Maybe I should have a kid, even without a father. At least then I’d have a family. There has to be some better way to live.”75 Another woman who made the opposite choice, forsaking job for family, admitted to Friedan:

It makes me mad—makes me feel like a child—when I have to ask my hus- band for money. My mother was always dependent on my father and so fearful of life. She is lost now without him. It frightens me, the thought of being dependent like my mother, though I have a very happy marriage. I get so upset, listening to battered wives on television, women with no op- tions. It improves your sense of self-worth when you don’t depend on your husband for everything good in life, when you can get it for yourself. I’m trying so hard to treat my daughter equally with my son. I don’t want her to have the fears that paralyzed my mother and that I’ve always had to fight. I want her to have real options.76

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Rather than despairing over these and other women’s choices, Friedan used them as talking points to convince 1980s feminists to move from what she termed first-stage feminism to what she labeled second-stage feminism. She noted this new form of feminism would require women to work with men to escape the excesses of the feminist mystique, “which denied the core of women’s personhood that is fulfilled through love, nurture, home” as well as the excesses of the feminine mystique, “which defined women solely in terms of their relation to men as wives, mothers and homemakers.”77 Together, women and men might be able to develop the kind of social val- ues, leadership styles, and institutional structures needed to permit both sexes to achieve fulfillment in the public and private world alike.

Friedan’s program for reigniting the women’s movement was, as we shall see, vulnerable to several attacks. For example, it inadequately challenged the assumption that women are “responsible for the private life of their family members.”78 Zillah Eisenstein criticized Friedan’s support of so-called flextime (an arrangement that permits employees to set their starting and leaving hours): “It is never clear whether this arrangement is supposed to ease women’s double burden (of family and work) or significantly restructure who is respon- sible for childcare and how this responsibility is carried out.”79 Suspecting that women rather than men would use flextime to mesh their workday with their children’s school day, Eisenstein worried that flextime would give employers yet another reason to devalue female employees as less committed to their work than male employees.

In all fairness to Friedan, however, she did explicitly mention in The Sec- ond Stage (written after Eisenstein’s critique of Friedan) that when an arrangement like flextime is described as a structural change permitting mothers to better care for their children, the wrongheaded idea that home and family are women’s sole responsibility rather than women’s and men’s joint responsibility is reinforced.80 Unlike the Friedan of The Feminine Mystique, the Friedan of The Second Stage seemed quite aware that unless women’s assimilation into the public world is coupled with the simultaneous assimila- tion of men into the private world, women will always have to work harder than men. Although Friedan conceded that most men might not be ready, willing, or able to embrace the “househusband” role, she nonetheless insisted it is just as important for men to develop their private and personal selves as it is for women to develop their public and social selves. Men who realize this also realize women’s liberation is men’s liberation. A man does not have to be “just a breadwinner”81 or just a runner in the rat race. Like his wife, he, too, can be an active participant in the thick web of familial and friendship rela- tionships he and she weave together.82

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In some ways, the difference between the Friedan of The Feminine Mys- tique and the Friedan of The Second Stage is the difference between a feminist who believes women need to be the same as men in order to be equal to men and a feminist who believes women can be men’s equals, provided society val- ues the “feminine” as much as the “masculine.” The overall message of The Feminine Mystique was that women’s liberation hinged on women becoming like men. Friedan peppered the pages of The Feminine Mystique with com- ments such as: “If an able American woman does not use her human energy and ability in some meaningful pursuit (which necessarily means competi- tion, for there is competition in every serious pursuit of our society), she will fritter away her energy in neurotic symptoms, or unproductive exercise, or destructive ‘love,’” and “Perhaps men may live longer in America when women carry more of the burden of the battle with the world instead of being a burden themselves. I think their wasted energy will continue to be destruc- tive to their husbands, to their children, and to themselves until it is used in their own battle with the world.”83 To be a full human being is, in short, to think and act like a man.