CHIP HEATH
THE BESTSELLING AUTHORS
$26.00
Why is it so hard to make lasting
changes in our companies, in our
communities, and in our own lives?
The primary obstacle is a conflict that's
built into our brains, say Chip and Dan
Heath, authors of the critically acclaimed
bestseller Made to Stick. Psychologists have discovered that our minds are ruled by two
different systems-the rational mind and
the emotional mind-that compete for con
trol. The rational mind wants a great beach
body; the emotional mind wants that Oreo
cookie. The rational mind wants to change
something at work; the emotional mind
loves the comfort of the existing routine.
This tension can doom a change effort-but
if it is overcome, change can come quickly.
In Switch, the Heaths show how everyday people---employees and managers, parents
and nurses-have united both minds and, as
a result, achieved dramatic results:
• The lowly medical interns who managed
to defeat an entrenched, decades-old medical
practice that was endangering patients (see
page 242)
• The home-organizing guru who developed
a simple technique for overcoming the dread
of housekeeping (see page 130)
• The manager who transformed a lackadaisi
cal customer-support team into service zealots
by removing a standard tool of customer service (see page 199)
In a compelling, story-driven narrative, the
Heaths bring together decades of counterin
tuitive research in psychology, sociology, and
other fields to shed new light on how we can
(continul!d on back flap)
(continu.d from front j/Ap)
effect trans formative change. Switch shows that successful changes follow a pattern, a pat
tern you can use to make the changes that mat
ter to you, whether your interest is in changing
the world or changing your waistline.
CHIP HEATH is a professor at the Graduate School of Business at Stanford University. He
lives in Los Gatos, California. DAN HEATH is a senior fellow at Duke University's Center
for the Advancement of Social Entrepreneur
ship (CASE). Previously, he was a researcher
and case writer at Harvard Business School,
as well as the cofounder of a college textbook
publishing firm called Thinkwell. Dan lives
in Raleigh, North Carolina. The Heath broth
ers write a monthly column for Fast Company magazine.
www.heathbrothers.com
Also available as an eBook and on audio
from Random House
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Printed in the U.S.A.
SWITCH
H OW TO
CH ANGE T H INGS WHEN
CH ANGE
IS H ARQ
CHIP HEATH and DAN HEATH
Broadway Books
New York
Copyright © 2010 by Chip Heath and Dan Heath
All rights reserved. Published in the United States by Broadway Books, an imprint of the
Crown Publishing Group, a division of Random House, Inc., New York. www.crownpublishing.com
BROADWAY BOOKS and the Broadway Books colophon are trademarks of Random House, Inc.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Heath, Chip.
Switch: how to change things when change is hard / Chip Heath and Dan Heath.-lst ed.
l. Change (Psychology) I. Heath, Dan, 1973-11. Title. BF637.C4H43 201O
303.4-dc22 2009027814
ISBN 978-0-385-52875-7
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
First Edition
Contents
1 . Three Surprises About Change 1
D I R E C T T H E R IDE R
2. Find the Bright Spots 27
3. Script the Critical Moves 49
4. Point to the Destination 73
M OT I VA T E T H E ELEP H ANT
5. Find the Feeling 1 01
6. Shrink the Change 1 24
7. Grow Your People 149
S H APE T H E PA T H
8. Tweak the Environment 1 79
9. Build Habits 203
1 0. Rally the Herd 225
11. Keep the Switch Going 250
How to Make a Switch 259
Overcoming Obstacles 261
Next Steps 265
Recommendations for Additional Reading 267
Notes 269
Acknowledgments 293
Index 295
1
Three Surprises About Change
1.
One Saturday in 2000, some unsuspecting moviegoers showed
up at a suburban theater in Chicago to catch a 1 :05 p.m. mati nee of Mel Gibson's action flick Payback. They were handed a soft
drink and a free bucket of popcorn and were asked to stick
around after the movie to answer a few questions about the con
cession stand. These movie fans were unwitting participants in a
study of irrational eating behavior.
There was something unusual about the popcorn they re
ceived. It was wretched. In fact, it had been carefully engineered
to be wretched. It had been popped five days earlier and was so
stale that it squeaked when you ate it. One moviegoer later com
pared it to Styrofoam packing peanuts, and two others, forgetting
that they'd received the popcorn for free, demanded their
money back.
Some of them got their free popcorn in a medium-size bucket,
2 T hr e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C h a n g e
and others got a large bucket-the sort of huge tub that looks
like it might once have been an above-ground swimming pool.
Every person got a bucket so there'd be no need to share. The re
searchers responsible for the study were interested in a simple
question: Would the people with bigger buckets eat more?
Both buckets were so big that none of the moviegoers could
finish their individual portions. So the actual research question
was a bit more specific: Would somebody with a larger inex
haustible supply of popcorn eat more than someone with a
smaller inexhaustible supply?
The sneaky researchers weighed the buckets before and after
the movie, so they were able to measure precisely how much pop
corn each person ate. The results were stunning: People with the
large buckets ate 53 percent more popcorn than people with the medium size. That's the equivalent of 173 more calories and ap proximately 21 extra hand-dips into the bucket.
Brian Wansink, the author of the study, runs the Food and
Brand Lab at Cornell University, and he described the results in
his book Mindless Eating: "We've run other popcorn studies, and
the results were always the same, however we tweaked the details.
It didn't matter if our moviegoers were in Pennsylvania, Illinois,
or Iowa, and it didn't matter what kind of movie was showing; all
of our popcorn studies led to the same conclusion. People eat
more when you give them a bigger container. Period."
No other theory explains the behavior. These people weren't
eating for pleasure. (The popcorn was so stale it squeaked!) They
weren't driven by a desire to finish their portion. (Both buckets
were too big to finish.) It didn't matter whether they were hungry
or full. The equation is unyielding: Bigger container = more eating.
Best of all, people refused to believe the results. After the
movie, the researchers told the moviegoers about the two bucket
sizes and the findings of their past research. The researchers asked,
IJlrll::1I:: �url',,:atc::a HUUU' "'IIGII!lC'
Do you think you ate more because of the larger size? The ma
jority scoffed at the idea, saying, "Things like that don't trick me,"
or, "I'm pretty good at knowing when I'm full."
Whoops.
2.
Imagine that someone showed you the data from the popcorn
eating study but didn't mention the bucket sizes. On your data
summary, you could quickly scan the results and see how much
popcorn different people ate-some people ate a little, some ate
a lot, and some seemed to be testing the physical limits of the
human stomach. Armed with a data set like that, you would find
it easy to jump to conclusions. Some people are Reasonable Snack
ers, and others are Big Gluttons.
A public-health expert, studying that data alongside you,
would likely get very worried about the Gluttons. "We need to mo
tivate these people to adopt healthier snacking behaviors! Let's find
ways to show them the health hazards of eating so much!
But wait a second. If you want people to eat less popcorn, the
solution is pretty simple: Give them smaller buckets. You don't
have to worry about their knowledge or their attitudes.
You can see how easy it would be to turn an easy change prob
lem (shrinking people's buckets) into a hard change problem
(convincing people to think differently) . And that's the first sur
prise about change: What looks like a people problem is often a
situation problem.
3.
This is a book to help you change things. We consider change at
every level-individual, organizational, and societal. Maybe you
4 T h r e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C h a n g e
want to help your brother beat his gambling addiction. Maybe
you need your team at work to act more frugally because of mar
ket conditions. Maybe you wish more of your neighbors would
bike to work.
Usually these topics are treated separately-there is "change
management" advice for executives and "self-help" advice for in
dividuals and "change the world" advice for activists. That's a
shame, because all change efforts have something in common:
For anything to change, someone has to start acting differently.
Your brother has got to stay out of the casino; your employees
have got to start booking coach fares. Ultimately, all change ef
forts boil down to the same mission: Can you get people to start
behaving in a new way?
We know what you're thinking-people resist change. But it's
not quite that easy. Babies are born every day to parents who, in
explicably, welcome the change. Think about the sheer magni
tude of that change! Would anyone agree to work for a boss who'd
wake you up twice a night, screaming, for trivial administrative
duties? (And what if, every time you wore a new piece of cloth
ing, the boss spit up on it?) Yet people don't resist this massive
change-they volunteer for it.
In our lives, we embrace lots of big changes-not only ba
bies, but marriages and new homes and new technologies and
new job duties. Meanwhile, other behaviors are maddeningly in
tractable. Smokers keep smoking and kids grow fatter and your
husband can't ever seem to get his dirty shirts into a hamper.
So there are hard changes and easy changes. What distin
guishes one from the other? In this book, we argue that success
ful changes share a common pattern. They require the leader of
the change to do three things at once. We've already mentioned
one of those three things: To change someone's behavior, you've
got to change that person's situation.
,"ree :Jurprl5e5 ADOUt "nange
The situation isn't the whole game, of course. You can send an
alcoholic to rehab, where the new environment will help him go
dry. But what happens when he leaves and loses that influence?
You might see a boost in productivity from your sales reps when
the sales manager shadows them, but what happens afterward
when the situation returns to normal? For individuals' behavior
to change, you've got to influence not only their environment
but their heartS and minds.
The problem is this: Often the heart and mind disagree. Fer
vently.
4.
Consider the Clocky, an alarm clock invented by an MIT stu
dent, Gauri Nanda. It's no ordinary alarm clock-it has wheels.
You set it at night, and in the morning when the alarm goes off,
it rolls off your nightstand and scurries around the room, forcing
you to chase it down. Picture the scene: You're crawling around
the bedroom in your underwear, stalking and cursing a runaway
clock.
Clocky ensures that you won't snooze-button your way to di
saster. And apparently that's a common fear, since about 35,000 units were purchased, at $50 each, in Clocky's first two years on the market (despite minimal marketing).
The success of this invention reveals a lot about human psy
chology. What it shows, fundamentally, is that we are schizo
phrenic. Part of us-our rational side-wants to get up at 5:45 a.m., allowing ourselves plenty of time for a quick jog before we
leave for the office. The other part of us-the emotional side
wakes up in the darkness of the early morning, snoozing inside
a warm cocoon of sheets and blankets, and wants nothing in the
world so much as a few more minutes of sleep. If, like us, your
6 T h r e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C h a n g e
emotional side tends to win these internal debates, then you
might be a potential Clocky customer. The beauty of the device
is that it allows your rational side to outsmart your emotional
side. It's simply impossible to stay cuddled up under the covers
when a rogue alarm clock is rolling around your room.
Let's be blunt here: Clocky is not a product for a sane species.
If Spock wants to get up at 5:45 a.m., he'll just get up. No drama required.
Our built-in schizophrenia is a deeply weird thing, but we
don't think much about it because we're so used to it. When
we kick off a new diet, we toss the Cheetos and Oreos out of the
pantry, because our rational side knows that when our emotional
side gets a craving, there's no hope of self-control. The only op
tion is to remove the temptation altogether. (For the record, some
MIT student will make a fortune designing Cheetos that scurry
away from people when they're on a diet.)
The unavoidable conclusion is this: Your brain isn't of one
mind.
The conventional wisdom in psychology, in fact, is that the
brain has two independent systems at work at all times. First,
there's what we called the emotional side. It's the part of you that
is instinctive, that feels pain and pleasure. Second, there's the ra
tional side, also known as the reflective or conscious system. It's
the part of you that deliberates and analyzes and looks into the
future.
In the past few decades, psychologists have learned a lot about
these two systems, but of course mankind has always been aware
of the tension. Plato said that in our heads we have a rational
charioteer who has to rein in an unruly horse that "barely yields
to horsewhip and goad combined." Freud wrote about the selfish
id and the conscientious superego (and also about the ego, which
8 T h r e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C ha n g e
plan, to think beyond the moment (all those things that your pet
can't do).
But what may surprise you is that the Elephant also has enor
mous strengths and that the Rider has crippling weaknesses. The
Elephant isn't always the bad guy. Emotion is the Elephant's
turf-love and compassion and sympathy and loyalty. That fierce
instinct you have to protect your kids against harm-that's the
Elephant. That spine-stiffening you feel when you need to stand
up for yourself-that's the Elephant.
And even more important if you're contemplating a change, the . Elephant is the one who gets things done. To make progress toward
a goal, whether it's noble or crass, requires the energy and drive of
the Elephant. And this strength is the mirror image of the Rider's
great weakness: spinning his wheels. The Rider tends to overana
lyze and overthink things. Chances are, you know people with Rider
problems: your friend who can agonize for twenty minutes about
what to eat for dinner; your colleague who can brainstorm about
new ideas for hours but can't ever seem to make a decision.
If you want to change things, you've got to appeal to both.
The Rider provides the planning and direction, and the Elephant
provides the energy. So if you reach �he Riders of your team but
not the Elephants, team members will have understanding with
out motivation. If you reach their Elephants but not their Riders,
they'll have passion without direction. In both cases, the flaws
can be paralyzing. A reluctant Elephant and a wheel-spinning
Rider can both ensure that nothing changes. But when Elephants
and Riders move together, change can come easily.
5.
When Rider and Elephant disagree about which way to move,
you've got a problem. The Rider can get his way temporarily-he
Thr e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C ha n g e 9
can tug on the reins hard enough to get the Elephant to submit.
(Anytime you use willpower you're doing exactly that.) But the
Rider can't win a tug-of-war with a huge animal for long. He sim
ply gets exhausted.
To see this point more clearly, consider the behavior of some
college students who participated in a study about "food
perception" (or so they were told). They reported to the lab a bit
hungry; they'd been asked not to eat for at least three hours
beforehand. They were led to a room that smelled amazing
the researchers had just baked chocolate-chip cookies. On a
table in the center of the room were two bowls. One held a
sampling of chocolates, along with the warm, fresh-baked
chocolate-chip cookies they'd smelled. The other bowl held a
bunch of radishes.
The researchers had prepped a cover story: We've selected
chocolates and radishes because they have highly distinctive
tastes. Tomorrow, we'll contact you and ask about your memory
of the taste sensations you experienced while eating them.
Half the participants were asked to eat two or three cookies
and some chocolate candies, but no radishes. The other half were
asked to eat at least two or three radishes, but no cookies. While
they ate, the researchers left the room, intending, rather sadisti
cally, to induce temptation: They wanted those poor radish-eaters
to sit there, alone, nibbling on rabbit food, glancing enviously at
the fresh-baked cookies. (It probably goes without saying that the
cookie-eaters experienced no great struggle in resisting the rad
ishes.) Despite the temptation, all participants ate what they were
asked to eat, and none of the radish-eaters snuck a cookie. That's
willpower at work.
At that point, the "taste study" was officially over, and another
group of researchers entered with a second, supposedly unrelated
study: We're trying to find who's better at solving problems,
10 T h r e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C h a n g e
college students or high school students. This framing was in
tended to get the college students to puff out their chests and
take the forthcoming task seriously.
The college students were presented with a series of puzzles that
required them to trace a complicated geometric shape without re
tracing any lines and without lifting their pencils from the paper.
They were given multiple sheets of paper so they could try over
and over. In reality, the puzzles were designed to be unsolvable.
The researchers wanted to see how long the college students would
persist in a difficult, frustrating task before they finally gave up.
The "untempted" students, who had not had to resist eating
the chocolate-chip cookies, spent nineteen minutes on the task,
making thirty-four well-intentioned attempts to solve the prob
lem.
The radish-eaters were less persistent. They gave up after only
eight minutes-less that:I half the time spent by the cookie
eaters-and they managed only nineteen solution attempts. Why
did they quit so easily?
The answer may surprise you: They ran out of self·control. In
studies like this one, psychologists have discovered .that self
control is an exhaustible resource. It's like doing bench presses at
the gym. The first one is easy, when your muscles are fresh. But
with each additional repetition, your muscles get more exhausted,
until you can't lift the bar again. The radish-eaters had drained
their self-control by resisting the cookies. So when their Ele
phants, inevitably, started complaining about the puzzle task-its
too hard, it's no fun, we're no good at this-their Riders didn't have
enough strength to yank on the reins for more than eight min
utes. Meanwhile, the cookie-eaters had a fresh, untaxed Rider,
who fought off the Elephant for nineteen minutes.
Self-control is an exhaustible resource. This is a crucial realiza
tion, because when we talk about "self-control," we don't mean
T h r e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C h a n g e 1 1
the narrow sense of the word, as in the willpower needed to fight
vice (smokes, cookies, alcohol) . We're talking about a broader
kind of self-supervision. Think of the way your mind works when
you're giving negative feedback to an employee, or assembling a
new bookshelf, or learning a new dance. You are careful and de
liberate with your words or movements. It feels like there's a su
pervisor on duty. That's self-control, too.
Contrast that with all the situations in which your behavior
doesn't feel "supervised"-for instance, the sensation while you're
driving that you can't remember the last few miles of road, or the
easy, unthinking way you take a shower or make your morning
coffee. Much of our daily behavior, in fact, is more automatic
than supervised, and that's a good thing because the supervised
behavior is the hard stuff. It's draining.
Dozens of studies have demonstrated the exhausting nature of
self-supervision. For instance, people who were asked to make
tricky choices and trade-offs-such as setting up a wedding reg
istry or ordering a new computer-were worse at focusing and
solving problems than others who hadn't made the tough choices.
In one study, some people were asked to restrain their emotions
while watching a sad movie about sick animals. Afterward, they
exhibited less physical endurance than others who'd let the tears
flow freely. The research shows that we burn up self-control in a
wide variety of situations: managing the impression we're making
on others; coping with fears; controlling our spending; trying to
focus on simple instructions such as "Don't think of a white
bear"; and many, many others.
Here's why this matters for change: When people try to
change things, they're usually tinkering with behaviors that have
become automatic, and changing those behaviors requires care
ful supervision by the Rider. The bigger the change you're sug
gesting, the more it will sap people's self-control.
1 2 Thr e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C h a n g e
And when people exhaust their self-control, what they're ex
hausting are the mental muscles needed to think creatively, to
focus, to inhibit their impulses, and to persist in the face of frus
tration or failure. In other words, they're exhausting precisely the
mental muscles needed to make a big change.
So when you hear people say that change is hard because peo
ple are lazy or resistant, that's j ust Rat wrong. In fact, the oppo
site is true: Change is hard because people wear themselves out.
And that's the second surprise about change: What looks like lazi
ness is often exhaustion.
6.
Jon Stegner believed the company he worked for, a large manu
facturer, was wasting vast sums of money. "I thought we had an
opportunity to drive down purchasing costs not by 2 percent but by something on the order of $1 billion over the next five years, "
said Stegner, who i s quoted in John Kotter and Dan Cohen's es
sential book The Heart of Change.
To reap these savings, a big process shift would be required,
and for that shift to occur, Stegner knew that he'd have to con
vince his bosses. He also knew that they'd never embrace such a
big shift unless they believed in the opportunity, and for the most
part, they didn't.
Seeking a compelling example of the company's poor pur
chasing habits, Stegner assigned a summer student intern to in
vestigate a single item-work gloves, which workers in most of
the company's factories wore. The student embarked on a mission
to identify all the types of gloves used in all the company's facto
ries and then trace back what the company was paying for them.
The intrepid intern soon reported that the factories were
T h r e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C h a n g e 13
purchasing 424 different kinds of gloves! Furthermore, they were
using different glove suppliers, and they were all negotiating their
own prices. The same pair of gloves that cost $5 at one factory
might cost $17 at another.
At Stegner's request, the student collected a specimen of every
one of the 424 different types of gloves and tagged each with the
price paid. Then all the gloves were gathered up, brought to the
boardroom, and piled up on the conference table. Stegner invited
all the division presidents to come visit the Glove Shrine. He re
called the scene:
What they saw was a large expensive table, normally
clean or with a few papers, now stacked high with
gloves. Each of our executives stared at this display for a
minute. Then each said something like, "We really buy
all these different kinds of gloves?" Well, as a matter of
fact, yes we do. "Really?" Yes, really. Then they walked
around the table .. . . They could see the prices. They
looked at two gloves that seemed exactly alike, yet one
was marked $3.22 and the other $10.55. It's a rare event
when these people don't have anything to say. But that
day, they just stood with their mouths gaping.
The gloves exhibit soon became a traveling road show, visit
ing dozens of plants. The reaction was visceral: This is crazy. We're
crazy. And we've got to make sure this stops happening. Soon Steg
ner had exactly the mandate for change that he'd sought. The
company changed its purchasing process and saved a great deal of
money. This was exactly the happy ending everyone wanted (ex
cept, of course, for the glove salesmen who'd managed to sell the
$5 gloves for $17).
14 T h r e e 5 u r p r i 5 e 5 A b o u t e h a n 9 e
7.
Let's be honest: Most of us would not have tried what Stegner
did. It would have been so easy, so natural, to make a presenta
tion that spoke only to the Rider. Think of the possibilities: the
spreadsheets, the savings data, the cost-cutting protocols, the rec
ommendations for supplier consolidation, the exquisite logic for
central purchasing. You could have created a 12-tabbed Microsoft
Excel spreadsheet that would have made a tax accountant weep
with joy. But instead of doing any of that, Stegner dumped a
bunch of gloves on a table and invited his bosses to see them.
If there is such a thing as white-collar courage, surely this was
an instance.
Stegner knew that if things were going to change, he had to
get his colleagues' Elephants on his side. If he had made an ana
lytical appeal, he probably would have gotten some supportive
nods, and the execs might have requested a follow-up meeting
six weeks later (and then rescheduled it). The analytical case was
compelling-by itself, it might have convinced Stegner's col
leagues that overhauling the purchasing system would be an im
portant thing to do . . . next year.
Remember that if you reach your colleagues' Riders but not
their Elephants, they will have direction without motivation.
Maybe their Riders will drag the Elephant down the road for a
while, but as we've seen, that effort can't last long.
Once you break through to feeling, though, things change.
Stegner delivered a jolt to his colleagues. First, they thought to
themselves, were crazy! Then they thought, we can fix this. Every one could think of a few things to try to fix the glove problem
and by extension the ordering process as a whole. That got their
Elephants fired up to move.
We don't expect potential billion-dollar change stories to come
dressed up like this. The change effort was led by a single employee,
T h r e e S u r p ri s es A b o u t C h a n g e 1 5
with the able help of a summer intern. I t focused on a single prod
uct. The scope of the presentation didn't correspond in any way to
the scope of the proposal. Yet Stegner's strategy worked.
That's the power of speaking to both the Rider and the
Elephant.
8.
It's tru� that an unmotivated Elephant can doom a change effort,
but let's not forget that the Rider has his own issues. He's a navel
gazer, an analyzer, a wheel-spinner. If the Rider isn't sure exactly
what direction to go, he tends to lead the Elephant in circles. And
as we'll see, that tendency explains the third and final surprise
about change: What looks like resistance is often a lack of clarity.
Two health researchers, Steve Booth-Butterfield and Bill
Reger, professors at West Virginia University, were contemplating
ways to persuade people to eat a healthier diet. From past re
search, they knew that people were more likely to change when
the new behavior expected of them was crystal clear, but unfor
tunately, "eating a healthier diet" was anything but.
Where to begin? Which foods should people stop (or start)
eating? Should they change their eating behavior at breakfast,
lunch, or dinner? At home or in restaurants? The number of ways
to "eat healthier" is limitless, especially given the starting place
of the average American diet. This is exactly the kind of situation
in which the Rider will spin his wheels, analyzing and agonizing
and never moving forward.
As the two researchers brainstormed, their thoughts kept
coming back to milk. Most Americans drink milk, and we all
know that milk is a great source of calcium. But milk is also the
single largest source of saturated fat in the typical American's diet.
In fact, calculations showed something remarkable: If Americans
1 6 T h r e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C h a n g e
switched from whole milk to skim or 1 % milk, the average diet would immediately attain the USDA recommended levels of sat
urated fat.
How do you get Americans to start drinking low-fat milk?
You make sure it shows up in their refrigerators. And that isn't
an entirely facetious answer. People will drink whatever is around
the house-a family will plow through low-fat milk as fast as
whole milk. So, in essence, the problem was even easier than an
ticipated: You don't need to change drinking behavior. You need
to change purchasing behavior.
Suddenly the intervention became razor-sharp. What behav
ior do we want to change? We want consumers to buy skim or
1 % milk. When? When they're shopping for groceries. Where?
Duh. What else needs to change? Nothing (for now).
Reger and Booth-Butterfield launched a campaign in two
communities in West Virginia, running spots on the local media
outlets (Tv; newspaper, radio) for two weeks. In contrast to the bland messages of most public-health campaigns, the 1 % milk campaign was punchy and specific. One ad trumpeted the fact
that one glass of whole milk has the same amount of saturated fat
as five strips of bacon! At a press conference, the researchers
showed local reporters a tube full of fat-the equivalent of the
amount found in a half-gallon of whole milk. (Notice the Ele
phant appeals: They're going for an "Oh, gross!" reaction.)
Reger and Booth-Butterfield monitored milk sales data at all
eight stores in the intervention area. Before the campaign, the
market share of low-fat milk was 1 8 percent. After the campaign, it was 41 percent. Six months later, it held at 35 percent.
This brings us to the final part of the pattern that character
izes successful changes: If you want people to change, you must
provide crystal-clear direction.
By now, you can understand the reason this is so important:
T h r e e S u r p ri s es A b o u t C h a n g e 17
It's so the Rider doesn't spin his wheels. If you tell people to "act
healthier," think of how many ways they can interpret that
imagine their Riders contemplating the options endlessly. (Do I
eat more grains and less meat? Or vice versa? Do I start taking vi
tamins? Would it be a good trade-off if! exercise more and bribe
myself with ice cream? Should I switch to Diet Coke, or is the ar
tificial sweetener worse than the calories?)
What looks like resistance is often a lack of clarity. Before this study, we might have looked at these West Virginians and con
cluded they were the kind of people who don't care about their
health. But if they were indeed "that kind" of people, why was it
so easy to shift their behavior?
If you want people to change, you don't ask them to "act
healthier." You say, "Next time you're in the dairy aisle of the gro
cery store, reach for a jug of 1 % milk instead of whole milk."
9.
Now you've had a glimpse of the basic three-part framework we
will unpack i n this book, one that can guide you in any situation
where you need to change behavior:
• Direct the Rider. What looks like resistance is often a
lack of clarity. So provide crystal-clear direction. (Think
1 % milk.)
• Motivate the Elephant. What looks like laziness is
often exhaustion. The Rider can't g�t his way by force for
very long. So it's critical that you engage people's emo
tional side-get their Elephants on the path and cooper
ative. (Think of the cookies and radishes study and the
boardroom conference table full of gloves.)
1 8 T h r e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C h a n g e
• Shape the Path. What looks like a people problem is
often a situation problem. We call the situation (includ
ing the surrounding environment) the "Path." When you
shape the Path, you make change more likely, no matter
what's happening with the Rider and Elephant. (Think
of the effect of shrinking movie popcorn buckets.)
We created this framework to be useful for people who don't
have scads of authority or resources. Some people can get their
way by fiat. CEOs, for instance, can sell off divisions, hire peo
ple, fire people, change incentive systems, merge teams, and so
on. Politicians can pass laws or impose punishments to change be
havior. The rest of us don't have these tools (though, admittedly,
they would make life easier: "Son, if you don't take out the trash
tonight, you're fired") . In this book, we don't talk a lot about these
structural methods.
As helpful as we hope this framework will be to you, we're well
aware, and you should be, too, that this framework is no panacea.
For one thing, it's incomplete. We've deliberately left out lots of
great thinking on change in the interests of creating a framework
that's simple enough to be practical. For another, there's a good
reason why change can be difficult: The world doesn't always want
what you want. You want to change how others are acting, but
they get a vote. You can cajole, influence, inspire, and motivate
but sometimes an employee would rather lose his job than move
out of his comfortable routines. Sometimes the alcoholic will want
another drink no matter what the consequences. .
So we don't promise that we're going to make change easy,
but at least we can make it easier. Our goal is to teach you a frame
work, based on decades of scientific research, that is simple
enough to remember and flexible enough to use in many differ
ent situations-family, work, community, and otherwise.
T h r e e 5 u r p rj 5 e 5 A b o u t e h a n 9 e 19
To change behavior, you've got to direct the Rider, motivate
the Elephant, and shape the Path. If you can do all three at once,
dramatic change can happen even if you don't have lots of power
or resources behind you. For proof of that, we don't need to look
beyond Donald Berwick, a man who changed the face of health
care.
1 0.
In 2004, Donald Berwick, a doctor and the CEO of the Institute
for Healthcare Improvement (IHI), had some ideas about how to
save lives-massive numbers of lives. Researchers at the IHI had
analyzed patient care with the kinds of analytical tools used to
assess the quality of cars coming off a production line. They dis
covered that the "defect" rate in health care was as high as 1 in
10-meaning, for example, that 10 percent of patients did not
receive their antibiotics in the specified time. This was a shock
ingly high defect rate-many other industries had managed to
achieve performance at levels of 1 error in 1 ,000 cases (and often
far better) . Berwick knew that the high medical defect rate meant
that tens of thousands of patients were dying every year,
unnecessarily.
Berwick's insight was that hospitals could benefit from the
same kinds of rigorous process improvements that had worked
in other industries. Couldn't a transplant operation be "produced"
as consistently and flawlessly as a Toyota Camry?
Berwick's ideas were so well supported by research that they
were essentially indisputable, yet little was happening. He
certainly had no ability to force any changes on the industry.
IHI had only seventy-five employees. But Berwick wasn't
deterred.
On December 14, 2004, he gave a speech to a room full of
20 T h r e e 5 u r p rj 5 e 5 A b o ut e h a n 9 e
hospital administrators at a large industry convention. He said,
"Here is what I think we should do. I think we should save 100,000
lives. And I think we should do that by June 14, 200� 18 months
from today. Some is not a number; soon is not a time. Here's the
number: 100,000. Here's the time: June 14, 200�9 a.m."
The crowd was astonished. The goal was daunting. But
Berwick was quite serious about his intentions. He and his tiny
team set out to do the impossible.
IHI proposed six very specific interventions to save lives. For
instance, one asked hospitals to adopt a set of proven procedures
for managing patients on ventilators, to prevent them from get
ting pneumonia, a common cause of unnecessary death. (One of
the procedures called for a patient's head to be elevated between
30 and 45 degrees, so that oral secretions couldn't get into the
windpipe.)
Of course, all hospital administrators agreed with the goal to
save lives, but the road to that goal was filled with obstacles. For
one thing, for a hospital to reduce its "defect rate," it had to ac
knowledge having a defect rate. In other words, it had to admit
that some patients were dying needless deaths. Hospital lawyers
were not keen to put this admission on record.
Berwick knew he had to address the hospitals' squeamish
ness about admitting error. At his December 14 speech, he was
joined by the mother of a girl who'd been killed by a medical
error. She said, 'Tm a little speechless, and I'm a little sad, be
cause I know that if this campaign had been in place four or five
years ago, that Josie would be fine . . . . But, I'm happy, I'm
thrilled to be part of this, because I know you can do it, because
you have to do it."
Another guest on stage, the chair of the North Carolina State
Hospital Association, said: "An awful lot of people for a long time
T h r e e S u r p r i s e s A b o u t C h a n g e 21
have had their heads in the sand on this issue, and it's time to do
the right thing. It's as simple as that."
IHI made joining the campaign easy: It required only a one
page form signed by a hospital CEO.