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f9;o.y ~ ANDEAN MUSIC, SYMBOLIC DUALISM AND

COSMOLOGY

Max Peter Baumann

Members of Indian societies constitute more than half of the population in Bolivia's central Andes1• Most live in small rural settlements on mountain plateaus (altiplano) and in the valleys of the cordilleras at an altitude of 2,500 to 4,500 meters above sea level, for which reason they are sometimes called "highland Indians." The Spanish term indio (Indian) is a denomination from outsiders and refers today primarily to the semantic, cultural, and social feel- ing of solidarity among these groups. The Indios speak at least one of the In- dian languages as their mother tongue, and feel bound to the traditional An- dean cultural heritage. Following the land reform of 1953, the term Indio was replaced in Bolivia by the now customary term of campesino (peasant or farmer). The majority of this rural population lives from farming and stock- breeding. They grow various kinds of potatoes, corn, wheat, quinoa (a kind of barley), and beans. These vegetables and livestock such as llama, sheep, cows and pigs today make up their staple diet.

The numerically largest language groups of the Andean Highlands are the Quechua- and Aymara-speaking farmers. For the sake of simplicity, Indios or indigenous peoples who speak one of these languages are designated here as Quechuas or Aymaras, using the Spanish plural. In Bolivia Quechua is pri- marily spoken in the departments of Cochabamba, Oruro, Potosi, and Chuquisaca, as well as in some provinces of the department of La Paz. Quechua is the runa simi (language of the people), which has evolved from the classical Quechua of the Inca Empire (1438-1537). The Aymara lan- guage has survived in the vicinity of the pre-Inca ritual sites at Tiwanaku near Lake Titicaca. The Aymaras or Kallas live primarily on the altiplano of La Paz and Puno as well as in relatively large areas in the departments of Oruro and Potosi. Many musical terms and concepts stemming from Aymara seem to have been transmitted to the Quechuas, who also use them (cf. Baumann 1979, 1982a, [forthc]).

In addition to the Aymaras and Quechuas, a smaller group of Indios known as the Chipayas still survive near Lake Coipasa in linguistic and cul- tural isolation. Today their language, Chipaya, is spoken by less than a thou- sand people. It is assumed that the Chipayas, together with the Urus of Lake Titicaca, were among the first settlers of the Central Andes (Baumann 1981b:171). The Callawayas (Kallawayas in Quechua) hold a unique position within the Quechua-speaking provinces of Bautista Saavedra, Muiiecas and parts of the provinces of Tamayo and La Paz. Among the Callawayas, ap-

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16 Max Peter Baumann

proximately two thousand use their own esoteric language, Machchaj-J uyai (literally, "language of the compatriot or companion"), but otherwise, in gen- eral, they speak Quechua. The Callawayas differ culturally from the Que- chuas and Aymaras, although many reciprocal influences can be observed, appearing especially in the realms of music and musical instruments (cf. Baumann 1985b:I46-8).

I. Musical Instruments and Ensembles

Typically, the traditional music of the Indios of the Central Andes uses a large variety of wind instruments, a smaller number of different kinds of drums, and a few idiophones. With the exception of the one-stringed musical bow (area selvatico/musical or area de boca), no stringed instruments were known in pre-Hispanic Latin America (Baumann 1985a:158f.). It was with Spanish colonialization that various guitar types, such as vihuelas, lutes, and bandu"ias, spread throughout the affluent mine centers of the Andean re- gion. Through the mediation of the mestizos, the guitamllo, jita"6n and charango (Quechua: charanku) were introduced to the campesinos of the alti- plano and adapted and transformed there (Baumann 1979:603f.).

Unlike the urban folklore ensembles (conjuntos), which like to mix stringed instruments with some or all of the three basic types of flutes, the rural ensembles of the Indios (tropas)-with some few exceptions-consist of a set of only one type of melody-carrying instrument. The wind instru- ments of a tropa are found in "choral" formation, that is, one can normally divide the musical groups of the campesinos into the three main types of flute ensembles, according to native categorization: the panpipe ensembles (sikus), the notched flute ensembles (kenas) and the duct flute ensembles (pinki!los). Referring to the rhythmical accompaniment, one might also, from the nota- rive point of view, subdivide the tropa ensembles into flute ensembles with- out drum accompaniment and those with accompanying drums. Wind in- struments obviously hold the most important position within the Andean tra- dition of the campesinos, followed by the drums, which are used primarily as accompaniment.

Musical instruments and ensembles often have particular regional and in- dividual names, varying according to the specific areas where they are played. This applies in particular to those musical terms classifying the different sizes or tonal registers of one generic type of instrument in one particular ensem- ble. In a duct flute ensemble from the Arque Province, the various charkas or pinkillos are divided into four categories according to their tonal register- similar to tlw idea hehind divisions of soprnno, alto, tenor and bass. Each in- strument is assigned an individual name according to the register group to which it belongs. For example, the deepest and longest flute is called charka machu, the instrument belonging to the next higher register (about one fifth

Andean Music, Symbolic Dualism and Cosmology 17

higher) is called charka mala. One octave higher than the charka machu is the charka tara. The instrument belonging to the highest tonal register is called charka ch'ili; it is also the smallest instrument, sounding one fifth higher than the charka tara and one octave higher than the charka mala. Machu, mala (also malta), tara and ch'ili symbolize at the same time the societal hierarchy: machu means "honorable" and is, as a rule, associated with the oldest and most experienced musicians, mala or malta means "intermediate one," while ch'ili refers to the "smallest" instrument, which is usually played by the youngest and least experienced musician.

2. Musical Characteristics

Generally speaking the melodies produced by the various panpipe types are played most often in two to five parallel octaves. Parallel octaves also oc- cur in some duct flute ensembles and in some kena ensembles. In ensembles of double-row panpipes, as well as in some duct flute and notched flute en- sembles, parallel octaves will often be embellished by parallel sounds of fifths and/or fourths lying between the deepest and highest octave registers or, somewhat less often, by parallel intervals approximating a tritone.

Most instrumental and vocal melodies possess a pronounced anhemitonic pentatonic structure. Although certain flute types have a diatonic tuning and therefore could be theoretically played in a diatonic way, the scales actually played by the campesinos are predominantly pentatonically oriented. These scales are certainly more traditional and are, in terms of quantity, the prefer- red ones as well. Of course many melodies with half-tone steps do exist, in particular in melodies with a wide range. Such melodies seem to be trans- posed by shifting a fourth to a lower register or a fifth to a higher one; this occurs, for example, in some sikura ensembles. Such hexa- and heptatonic scales can be explained in terms of the combination of two anhemitonic pen- tatonic scales whose tonal centers are arranged in layers of a sequence of in- tervals built up first on the finalis and then on the upper fifth. Because of having to play Western-like compositions such as national and regional an- thems, in addition to the influence of urban folklore groups, traditional en- sembles are more often adopting melodies tuned in major and minor keys.

In formal terms, the traditional melodies of the Indios are marked by phrases that are relatively short and few in number. These phrases are repeat- ed individually, and the melodies in their complete form are constantly re- peated from the beginning (e.g., AA BB CC-da capo several times). The in- strumental pieces often begin with a drum introduction (qa!laykuy), and after the often repeated main section (tukanalkantulwirm), there is a shorter coda section at the end (tukuchana).

From the point of view of rhythm, a binary character predominates. This is related to the countless forms of the wayiiu dance (Spanish: huayna). These

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dances can consist ~f such steps as a rather forceful striding forward (as in processional music), small steps, steps with a trochaic character, a simple al- ternating step, or hopping in place from one foot to the other (cf. Baumann 1983).

The singing (takiy) of men and women is mostly accompanied by one or several charangueros and is combined with particularly lively and rhythmic dances that have their own stamping sequences (tusuna or zapateo). To the most important song genres belong waynu, tunada (tonada, copla), yaravi, bailesitu (bailecito), and kwika (cueca). In contemporary Bolivia, these are mainly performed in connection with the Christian festivals, such as carnival, Easter (paskua), Santa Vera Cruz (May 3rd), Todos Santos (November 1st), or Christmas (Navidad). There are solo singers performing lari-waynu and burruqhatiy songs who accompany themselves on the charango while jour- neying through the countryside, as well as ensemble singing (taki, tusuna) and antiphonal singing between two contesting singers or groups of singers (takipayanaku). The individual melodies (tunadas, wirsus) and types of in- strumental ensembles (tropas) are tied to specific festivals with specific terms, such as the carnival music of the puka uma or pujllay ensembles (tonada del carnaval), the tonada de la Cruz, the cosecha wirsu (harvest melody), etc. (cf. Baumann 1982b).

Songs, dances, and music are associated with festive occasions such as the sowing and harvesting seasons, family celebrations (comprades) and wed- dings, communal celebrations in honor of the patron saints, and other occa- sions special to each ayllu (ethnic groups bound by religion and territory). The festivities and music making reach their zenith when celebrating the var- ious offering rites, such as offering drinks (ch'a!la), incense (q'oa) or animals (wilancha), as well as during the animal branding ceremonies (k'illpa). Music, song and dance always stand in close relation to and are an inseparable part of the diverse fertility rites directed towards superhuman powers and to nature.

The most elementary figure of the dance ensemble (tropas) is the circle for- mation, in which participants dance in single file, the oldest first, the young- est last. In the traditional ensembles instruments are played by men. Women take a leading role in dance and song. They often wave colored flags (whipalas) in rhythm to the music. The dances always begin in a counter- clockwise direction and after a certain time symmetrically change to the op- posite direction. At this point the musicians make a half-tum on their own axis and continue dancing in the same formation, one behind another. This fundamental pattern can be observed in many dances, as in the charangeada, the sikuriada, the chUkaru-baile of the julajulas, the ushnizatni of the Chipa- yas, etc. The circle dance is also combined with dancing in single file (/inku linku rayku, such as serpentine movements in the julajula dances) or with dancing in double rows as in lichiwayu dances. All of these formations be- long to the main dance structures. The leader of the music group is the tata

Andean Music, Symbolic Dualism and Cosmology 19

mayor (cabeza de baile), who is responsible for the musicians, their food, and the schedule of the festivities, as well as for the decorations and dance forma- tions. As a sign of his dignity as the dance leader, the tata mayor sometimes plays a pututu (signal hom) and holds a whip in his hand. With the whip he sees to it that nobody dances out of step.

3. Music, Ritual, and Dance

In the Central Andean Highlands, music, dance, song, and ritual are close- ly intertwined. Dance is present in almost all group-oriented forms of music making. The Quechua term taki (song) does not just contain the idea of lan- guage that is sung, but also rhythmic melody and dance. The three key terms, takiy ("to sing"), tukay ("to play"), and tusuy ("to dance"), each emphasize only one aspect of the musical behavior as a whole. These three elements are complementary to one another and signify the inherent unity of structured sound, movement, and symbolic expression.

Musical behavior is always embedded in a particular context within the ritually and religiously oriented cycle of the year. Music making and singing are determined by the agricultural cycle of the two halves of the year, the rainy season (when the seed is sown and the harvest is brought in) and the dry season (when the earth is tended and ploughed). The seasons also deter- mine in general the kinds of musical instruments, melodies and dances that should be performed. Numerous festivals are celebrated for the deities be- longing to the earth. During these festivals, offerings are made of smoke, drink and animal sacrifices when the ground is tilled, the seeds arc sown, as the plants grow, and as the people pray for a rich harvest. Each celebration has its own set melodies (wirsus or tonadas) and its own musical instruments. Music and dance are, on the one hand, expressions of joy and at the same time offerings to honor Father and Mother Earth (Pachatata and Pacha- mama).

Today, the various festivals must also be considered in connection with the historical layers and traditional re-interpretations that have been superim- posed through time. Often, for example, the old astronomical (or Inca) cal- endar, the Christian (or Gregorian) calendar, and the annual agricultural cy- cle simultaneously influence such celebrations. All these different elements and fragments play their own roles and are often mingled together.

The cosmological-religious world view of the altiplano Indios seems to be partially syncretistic. The traditional Central Andean beliefs still survive in part and have, at most, mixed with the Christian conception of faith and worship in a relationship of reciprocal influence. The Virgin Mary is asso- ciated with the concept of Pachamama (pacha = earth, mama = mother). Pachamama, interpreted generally as the Virgin Mary, manifests herself on the local level as individual virgins (mamitas), such as the Virgen de Cande-

20 Max Peter Baumann

!aria, Virgen de Copacabana, Virgen del Carmen, and Mamita Asunta (Vir- gen de Asuncion). The female concept of Pachamama is the timeless and fe- male aspect of the Mother Earth. Throughout the centuries, incoming reli- gious figures such as the Virgin Mary have been reincarnated as an element of this fundamental principle. Pachamama became reborn as wir;in (virgen).

Dry Season

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Rainy Season

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Fig. 1: Solistices, equinoxes, dry season/rainy season and the main feasts of the old Inca cal- endar (the year of the agricultural calendar begins on june 21st, the year of the ritual calen- dar at the summer solistice, i.e., December 21st).

Within the belief system of an Andean farmer, the local manifestations of Pachamama/Wirjin are expressions of the one principle of Pachamama. Pachamama is the mother of humans, the source of all fertility, and the sym- bol for growth and decline within the overall concept of time and space. For example, in the department of Oruro during the rainy season, charkas flutes are sounded in honor of Pachamama in order to express thankfulness for the first good harvest of the season. The charkas are duct flutes of various sizes (built similarly to the recorder) which are played by men to accompany the dances, together with a cow horn, or pututu. Unmarried girls accompany

Andean Music, Symbolic Dualism and Cosmology 21

these instruments with a high falsetto voice, singing "Takisun pachamamaman maiiarisun" ("Let us sing and call to the Pachamama").

Various other duct flutes such as pinkilloslpincollos, mohoceiioslaymaras, ch'utus, tokurus, and tarkaslanatas are traditionally played mainly during the rainy season, that is, starting on All Saints' Day (Todos Santos, November 1st) until the carnival season in February or March. These instruments be- long to the "female" cycle of the year. The distinction between "female" and "male" times of year can be partly seen as a remnant of the old Inca calendar (see Figure 1). According to this calendar, the sun festival of the king (Inti Raymi), which was the main festival of the dry season, was followed by the festival of the queen (Koya Raymi). The wooden duct flutes symbolize the fe- male principle of irrigation, of becoming fertile after the quiet and dry time; they express joy over the sprouting seeds and the harvest. The connection of these instruments with the element of water is emphasized by the fact that they are sometimes filled with water before being sounded so that they can become saturated and thus airtight. Because of the superimposition of the festivals by Christian religious concepts, the duct flutes are also closely related to the numerous festivals of the Virgin Mary that occur during the rainy season, such as the Fiesta de Ia Concepcion (December 8th) or the Fiesta de Candelaria (February 2nd). The instruments proclaim delight over the Christmas season and the New Year. The Bolivian summer solstice (De- cember 21st) coincides with the highpoint of the rainy season, as well as with Christmas festivities. Varying somewhat in length according to latitude, the rainy season (called paray mit'a in Quechua andjallu pacha in Aymara) lasts from around the beginning of November to the end of March or beginning of April.

In contrast to those instruments played during the rainy season, there are musical instruments-panpipes and notched flutes-which are made of hard bamboo and are played predominantly during the dry season. These instru- ments are closely tied to the mainly "male" festivals taking place during the other half of the year, such as for Santa Cruz (May 3rd) and Corpus Christi (end of May or beginning of June), as well as during the numerous festivals honoring particular (male) saints. These feasts are all linked to the concept of Pachatata or Tatapacha (tata =father; pacha =earth). The dry season, called ruphay mit'a in Quechua and thaya or awti pacha in Aymara, reaches its zenith at the Bolivian winter solstice on June 21st (Inti Raymi); soon after- wards, the great festival of San Juan takes place on the "coldest night" (June 24th). During this dry season, the instruments predominantly used are the notched flutes made of bamboo (kenas, choke/as, kena-kenas, lichiwayus, pusi-ppias) and panpipes (sikus, sikuras, antaras, julajulas, laqitas). These in- struments are associated with the male principle, represented also by the sun, the dry season and the wind (see also Section 5).

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4. Everything is Man and Woman-Pachamama and Pachatata

Pachamama and Pachatata symbolize the concept of pair formation as a basic principle that underlies all phenomena in nature. The principle of com- plementary masculinity and femininity symbolizes in its basic features Ande- an thinking, as in the saying, "tukuy ima qhariwarmi"-"Everything is man and woman" (Platt 1976:21). The living earth (pacha) as holistic conception is man-woman. Everything that is, as well as each thing individually ob- served, is composed of both complementary poles of female and male basic characteristics. The one does not exist without the other, no light (sut'i) with- out darkness (laqha), no day without night, no sun without moon, no dryness without wetness, no above without below, no thing that moves without that which is moved, no thing that begins (ira) without that which follows (arka). In addition, each individual body, each thing that exists, is assembled from complementary opposites. The right side of the human body is masculine, the left side is female. The front side of the body facing the sun is masculine, the back side in shadow is female; this applies correspondingly to the head and feet. Even the highest principle of creation, Wiraqucha, composed of the two invisible aspects Pachakamaq or Pachayachachiq, is man and woman. It is an evolutionary principle that is to be understood as androgynous, from which all polar opposites emanate2• Everthing that exists in the heavens, on the earth, and everything that is created is bound together with everything else and is composed in microcosmos as in macrocosmos~n all levels of reality~£ their male and female characteristics, which complement each other (Kusch 1986:30£.; Andritzky 1989:299-304). According to an Aymara saying, everything in this world is an individual reality ("Taquipuniw aka pachanx mayaki"). Everything is related to everything else in a mesh of hier- archically ordered relationships of exchange between complementary oppo- site pairs (van den Berg 1990:158).

One of the prayer hymns (jaillz) written down by Cristobal de Molina from Cuzco around 1575 characterizes in a few verses how everything that exists is created in dual form (Lara 1980:3 7f.):

Tijsi Wiraqucha, Qaylla Wiraqucha, T'ukapu ajnupuyuj, Wiraqucha. Kama;; churaj, Qhari kachun, W armi kachun, Ntspa ruraf

Andean Music, Symbolic Dualism and Cosmology

Origin of Being, Wiraqucha, always present principle of creation, elegant and beautifully clothed, principle of creation, that blesses and gives life, and the becoming of man and woman through a word produces.

23

A profound poem transmitted by Santacruz Pachacuti Yam qui around 1613 bears witness to something similar, a poem that poses questions about such bipolar, all-pervasive and mutually dependent evolutionary sources: "Where are you?"-"maypin kanki?"-"oh, power of life, root of all things?" (Harrison 1989:92-5).

Ah, Wiraqocha tiksi qhapaq kay qari kachun kay warmi kachun

Maypin kanki? manachu rikuykiman hananpichum urinpichum

intiqa killaqa punchawqa tutaqa poqoyqa chirawqa manan yanqachu kamachisqam purin

Oh, power of life, root of all things, highest power, you say, let man become, you say, let woman become

Where are you? Can I not see you? Above? Below?

Sun, moon, day, night, rainy season, dry season not without meaning, to the (highest) order, they follow their path.

All creations follow the primary principle of polar opposites. Above is masculine, below is feminine. Complementary are the pair of constellations of Father Sun (intz) and Mother Moon (kzlla). There are masculine and fem- inine stars: the masculine morning star achachi ururi and the feminine eve- ning star apachi ururi (Harrison 1989:66). In the vertical order, heaven above is masculine, the earth below feminine. In the horizontal order, the earth is divided into the masculine mountain chains (Wamanis, Apus or Cerros) and

24 Max Peter Baumann

the feminine pampas (Earls & Silverblatt 1978:319). The water of the oceans and seas is feminine, but the rain from above that fecundates the earth is not. There are masculine and feminine stars, plants and animals (van den Berg 1990:161). All are aspects of two concepts of energy that are mutually com- plementary: from above to below, from below to above, from left to right, from right to left (Arnold 1986:4), from light and dark, day and night, air and earth, fire and water, hot and cold. The law of complementary opposites affects all forms of flowing existence, which are united in pairs. It works on the earth, in the sky, and during annual cycles. The dimension of sky spread- ing over the earth (hanan pacha or pata parti) is represented by the pair T ata Inti and Mama Killa. One finds its analogous equivalent in "this world" (kay pacha)-between heaven and earth-in the human pair of man and woman (qhari, warmz). And the chthonic forces of Pachatata and Pachamama apply in the dark Below (ukhu pacha), and in the inner parts of the earth, in the mountain mines, where they are called Tio and Tia (Arnold 1986:2, 7).