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Biological anthropology 6th edition michael alan park pdf

01/12/2021 Client: muhammad11 Deadline: 2 Day

INTRODUCING ANTHROPOLOGY SIXTH EDITION

INTRODUCING ANTHROPOLOGY SIXTHEDITION An Integrated Approach

Michael Alan Park Central Connecticut State University

2013015524

II INTRODUCING ANTHROPOLOGY, AN INTEGRATED APPROACH, SIXTH EDITION

Published by McGraw-Hili Education, 2 Penn Plaza, New York, NY 10111. Copyright © 2014 by McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Previous editions © 2011, 2008, and 2006. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education, including, but not limited to, in any network or other electronic storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning.

Some ancillaries, including electronic and print components, may not be available to customers outside the United States.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

1234567890DOODOC109876543 ISBN 978-0-07-803506-7 MHID 0-07-803506-6

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Park, Michael Alan. Introducing anthropology: an integrated approach / Michael Alan Park. -Sixth edition. pages em

ISBN-H 978-0-07-803506-7 (alk. paper) ISBN-W, 0-07-803506-6 (alk. paper)

1. Anthropology. I. Title. GN25.P293 2014 301-<1c23

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In memory of her companionship many years ago as I conceived, researched, and wrote

my first book, this one is for:

Joyce (1982-1996)

And the patches make the goodbye harder still. -CAT STEVENS

DOING ANTHROPOLOGY: Defining the Discipline 3 In the Field 4 The Hutrerires 8 Anthropology 12 CONTEMPORARY ISSUES,What Responsibilities Does the Anthropologist Have

When Studying Other Cultures! 16

Contents

Preface xvii

A Personal Note to My Readers XXlll

PART ONE Anthropology: The Biocultural Study of the Human Species I

Chapter I

Chapter 2

Plan of the Book 19 SUMMARY 20 QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 20 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 20

HOW ANTHROPOLOGY WORKS: Methods of Inquiry 21 The Scientific Method 22 The "Rules" of the Scientific Method 22 Some Common Misconceptions about Science 23

"Science Proves Ideas for All Time" 23 "Once We Have a Theory about a Particular Topic, We Don't Need to Do More Science" 24 "Science Studies Only Visible, Tangible, Present-Day Things" 24

Science Is Conducted in a Cultural Context 25

vii

viii Contents

Chapter 3

Belief Systems 27 Anthropology as a Science 28 Studying the Past 28 Studying Culture 29

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES:Are Science and Belief Inherently in Conflict with One Another? 30

Anthropological Methodology: Fieldwork 33 Data Collection 33 Material Observation 33 Biological Observation 33 Behavioral Observation 33 Direct Communication 34 Participant-Observation 34

Some Other Considerations 34 SUMMARY 35 QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 35 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 35

THEMES OF ANTHROPOLOGY: Evolution 37 The Evolution of Evolution 38 Before Darwin 38 The Biblical Context 38 The Evidence for Change Accumulates 39 Catastrophism Offers an Explanation for Change 39 Uniformitarianism Answers Catastrophism 41 Lamarck Explains Biological Change 41

Charles Darwin 43 Species 47 To What Is the Organism Adapted? 48 How Is the Organism Adapted to Its Environment? 48

Modern Evolutionary Theory 49 Evidence 50 Processes 52 Natural Selection 52 The Other Processes of Evolution 54

The Origin of New Species 57

Chapter 4

Contents ix

CONTEMPORARYISSUES:Is Evolution a Fact, a Theory, or Just a Hypothesis! 59

SUMMARY 60 QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 60 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 61

THEMES OF ANTHROPOLOGY: Culture 63 The Concept of Culture 65 The Characteristics of Cultural Behaviors 65

Culture Is Learned 65 Culture Involves Concepts, Generalizations, Abstractions, Assumptions, and Ideas 66 Culture Involves Active Learning and Symbolic Transmission 66 Culture Requires Artifacts 67

Culture in Nonhuman Primates 67 Chimpanzees Make Tools 68 Monkeys Use Tools 69 Apes Can Be Taught the Rudiments of Human Language 70 Humans Are Cultural 71

Brains and Culture: The Basic Biocultural Level 71 A Model for the Study of Cultural Systems 73 The Cultural "Filter" 74 World view 74 Some Examples 76

The Role of Religion 76 The Arctic 77 Southwest Asia 78

The American Worldview 80 An Anthropological Analysis of the Necktie 80 Material Culture and the Study of the Cultural Past 82 Material Culture and Cultural Systems 83 Archaeological Analysis 85

CONTEMPORARYISSUES:Can Anthropologists Study Their Own Cultures! 88

CONTEMPORARYISSUES:Who Owns Archaeological Sites and Their Contents! 90

SUMMARY 90 QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 92 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 92

X Contents

PARTTWO The Identity and Nature of the Human Species 95

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

OUR PLACE IN NATURE: Humans as Primates 97 Naming the Animals 99 Linnaean Taxonomy 99 A Primate Taxonomy 101

Into the Trees 103 The Primate Traits 104 The Human Primate 112

SUMMARY 113 QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 114 CONTEMPORARY ISSUES: Should Nonhuman Primates Have Right,l I IS

NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 116

EVOLUTION: The Bipedal, Large-Brained Primate 117 Out of the Trees 118 Primate Evolution 118 The Evolution of Bipedalism 121

The Benefits of Bipedalism 122 Two Problems 123

The Early Hominids 123 The Earliest Possible Hominids 123 More Definite Hominids 124

The First Members of Genus Homo 128 The First Stone Tools 128 Making Stone Tools 129 The Lives of Early Homo 131

Around the World 132 The Homo erectus Stage 133

Tools and Migrations 136 The Ice Ages 137 Behavioral Traits 138

The Archaic Homo sapiens Stage 138 The Neandertals 139

The Anatomically Modern Homo sapiens Stage 143 Tools 145 Art 147

SUMMARY 151

Chapter 7

Chapter 8

Contents xi

CONTEMPORARYISSUES:How Many "Kinds" of Humans Have There Been? 152

QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 153 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 154

REPRODUCTION: The Sexual Primate 155 Sex and Human Evolution 157 Primate Sex 157 Human Sex 158

Loss of Estrus, and Sexual Consciousness 158 Antecedents and Evolution of Human Sexuality 159

The Importance of Development and Child Care 161 Vive la Difference 161 Sex and Gender 167 The Definitions 167 Gender as Folk Taxonomy 168

Sex and Cultural Institutions 170 Marriage 170 The Incest Taboo 172

SUMMARY 175 CONTEMPORARYISSUES:What Causes Differences in

Sexuai Orientation? 176

QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 176 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 178

HUMAN VARIATION: Biological Diversity and Race 179 Why Are There No Biological Races within the Human Species? 182 The Concept of Race within General Biology 182 The Distribution of Human Biological Variation 184

Skin Color 18S Blood Type 187

Human Genetics 189 Evolutionary Theory and the Nature of the Human Species 191

Mobility and Gene Flow 191 Culture 192

What, Then, Are Human Races? 192 Anthropology and the Study of Race 195

xii Contents

Race, Racism, and Social Issues 196 Cultural Level 196 Race and Intelligence 199

SUMMARY 201 CONTEMPORARYISSUES:Are There RacialDifferences in Athletic Ability? 202 QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 204 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 204

PARTTHREE Adapting to Our Worlds 207

Chapter 9 FOOD: Getting It, Growing It, Eating It, and Passing It Around 209 Food and Human Evolution 210 Food in Prehistory 210 Food in Historical Times 212

Food-Collecting Societies 215 The Characteristics of Food Collectors 215 An Example Food-Collecting Society 218

The Food-Producing Revolution 223 The Transition to Food Production 223 Evidence for the Food-Producing Revolution 225 Animal Domestication 225 Plant Domestication 229

Food-Producing Societies 231 Horticulture 231 Pastoralism 234 Agriculture 235

Which Subsistence Pattern Works Best? 239 Some Basic Economics 240 Patterns of Exchange 241

Reciprocity 241 Market System 242 Redistribution 242

Social Stratification 244 SUMMARY 245 CONTEMPORARYISSUES:IsThere a World Population Crisis That Is Putting

Pressure on Food and Other Resources? 246

Chapter 10

Chapter II

Contents xiii

QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 246 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 247

THE NATURE OF THE GROUP: Arranging Our Families and Organizing Our People 249 Primate Societies 251 Marriage and Family 252 From Family to Kinship 252 Variations of Marriage 253 Number of Spouses 253 Frequency of Marriage Patterns 254

Kinship 255 Types of Families 256

Bilateral Families 256 Unilineal Families 257 Frequency of Unilineal Societies 257

Family Type and Cultural Systems 258 Kinship Terminology 259 The Eskimo System 259 The Hawaiian System 260 The Omaha System 261

Organization above the Family Level 263 Political Organization 263 Bands 265 Tribes 265 Chiefdoms 265

CONTEMPORARYISSUES:Why Don't Bilateral Societies Have Equality between the Sexes? 266

States 266

SUMMARY 267 QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 268 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 268

COMMUNICATION: Sharing What We Need to Know 269 Language 271 The Features of Language 272 Language Acquisition 273 Descriptive Linguistics 274

Language and Evolution 276 How Did Language Evolve? 276

xiv Contents

Chapter 12

When Did Language Evolve? 277 Brain Anatomy 278 Vocal Apparatus 279 Need 280

Apes and Language 280 Washoe: The Pioneer 280 Why Can These Apes Learn Language? 283

Language and Culture 284 The World's Languages 284 Languages and Cultural Systems 287

Cultural Meanings 287 Language History 288

SUMMARY 289 CONTEMPORARY ISSUES:Are Written LanguagesMore Advanced

than Unwritten Ones! 290 QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 290 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 291

MAINTENANCE OF ORDER: Making the World view Real 293 Religion 295 A Definition 295 The Basis of Religious Belief 296 Antecedents to Religion 297

Variation in Religious Systems 299 Number of Supernatural Beings 299 Categories of the Supernatural 300 Personalities of the Supernatural 301 Intervention by the Supernatural 301 Religious Specialists 301 Contacting the Supernatural 303

Religion and Culture 304 The Origins of Christianity 304 Some Examples 307

The Hutterites 307 The Holiness Churches 308

Law 312 SUMMARY 314 QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 314 CONTEMPORARY ISSUES: How Do We Deal with Faith-BasedActs of Terror

in Contemporary Global Society! 315 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 316

Chapter 13

Chapter 14

Contents xv

CULTURE CHANGE: Theories and Processes 317 The Processes of Culture Change 318 Discovery and Invention 318 Discoveries May Be Abstract 319 Discoveries Do Not Result in All Possible Applications 319 Discoveries Must Coincide with Cultural Norms 319 Discoveries May Change the Culture 320

Diffusion 320 Acculturation and Revolution 322 Acculturation 322 Revolution 324

Understanding Cultural Evolution 325 Classical or Unilinear Evolutionism 326 Diffusionism 326 Historical Particularism 327

SUMMARY 329 CONTEMPORARYISSUES:Can Anthropology Be Both a Scientific and a Humanistic

Discipline in Today's World? 330

QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 330 NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 332

THE EVOLUTION OF OUR BEHAVIOR: Putting It All Together 333 "Of Their Flesh Shall Ye Not Eat" 335 The Kosher Laws 335 Ideas Guide Behavior 337 Behavior Guides Ideas 338 A Synthesis? 341

Peaceful Warriors and Cannibal Farmers 343 The Dani 343 The Fore 349

Biology and Culture in Interaction 353 The Question of Altruism 353 Nature and Nurture 354 Cultural Determinism 15 Untenable 354 Biological Determinism Is Untenable 354 Kin Selection as an Example 355

Biology and Human Behavior 356 Altruism Revisited 357

CONTEMPORARYISSUES:Are Humans Naturally Violent? 3S8

SUMMARY 360

QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER THOUGHT 360

NOTES, REFERENCES,AND READINGS 361

xvi Contents

Chapter 15 ANTHROPOLOGY IN TODAY'S WORLD: Problems and Contributions 363 Change in the Modern World 364 The Hutterires 364 The Dani 366 The San 367

Applying Anthropology 369

The Human Species Today 371

The Human Species in the Future 373 CONTEMPORARY ISSUES,What Kinds of Careers Are There

in Anthropology? 376

QUESTIONS FOR FURTHERTHOUGHT 377

NOTES, REFERENCES, AND READINGS 377

Glossary G-1 Bibliography B-1

Credits C-1 Index 1-1

Preface

Modern anthropology has become extraordinarily diverse, with awide variety of schools of thought and theoretical models within the discipline. Not surprisingly, this breadth in the field has led to a range of approaches to thinking about and teaching those courses tra- ditionally called four-field introductions to anthropology. In short, we anthropologists each have sometimes very different answers to the ques- tion, What is anthropology?

The ideas about the nature of anthropology that have guided this book's organization, discussions, and selection of topics center on the field's identity as scientific, humanistic, and holistic:

• Anthropology can be, should be, and is scientific. That is, it operates by inductively generating testable hypotheses, which are then deductively tested in an attempt to derive working theories about the areas of human biology and behavior that are our focuses. This is not to say that applying science to cultural variation or the abstract aspects of cultural systems is easy or particularly straightforward, or that science has even come close to satisfactorily answering all the major questions anthropologists ask about our species. Far from it. I simply believe that-if it is to be truly scholarly-the process of anthropologically investigating humankind is a scientific one.

• Anthropology can be, should be, and is humanistic. A scientific orientation and focus does not preclude nonscientific investiga- tions and discussions of human behavior, or humanistic applica- tions of anthropology. We are, after all, dealing with human beings who have motivations for their behaviors that fail to respond to fixed laws as do chemicals or subatomic particles. Moreover, because we deal with people, we cannot help developing a concern for the welfare of our fellow humans. Indeed, this is what leads many to choose anthropology as a career in the first place. It becomes, then, only natural-if nor

xvii

xviii Preface

morally incumbent on us-to apply what we have learned about humans and human behavior to give voice to those without one and to lend our knowledge to the agencies and governments that administer, guide, and, sometimes, compel and manipulate social change.

• Anthropology can be, should be, and is holistic-because its subject is holistic. Thus, affiliation with one of the traditional subfields of anthropology should be no more than a starting point to the scholarly investigation of the nature of our species. In short, despite the enormous breadth of anthropological subject matter and approaches to studying those subjects, there really is a field called anthropology that has a distinctive view- point and methodology that make it uniquely valuable.

FEATURES

The assumptions that guided my writing have been concretely applied through the following features:

• To convey the holism of the discipline, the traditional subfields are not used to divide the text into major parts, nor are they titles of chapters. The standard subfields are described and defined in the first chapter, but subsequently, the methods and contributions of each are interwoven throughout the book. In other words, the text is organized around the unique subject matter of anthropology-the human species in its holistic entirety-rather than being organized around the current subfield structure of anthropology itself.

• To convey the multidimensional holism of the field at the introductory level requires choosing a theme that can act as a common thread tying all the parts together. Just saying that anthropology is holistic and giving a few specific examples is not enough. There are, of course, any number of themes that would be equally useful as such a pedagogical device. The one I have chosen is that of adaptation, broadly defined. J am not using the term in just its biological, ecological sense, although, of course, this definition does apply to human biological evolution and to the direct responses of cultures to their environments. But even abstract aspects of culture are adaptive responses to something. In other words, to paraphrase the title of an old anthology, my theme is that "humans make sense." Even if we have a hard time making sense of some of our behaviors, my central integrative assumption is that behaviors have some explanation within their cultural contexts.

Preface xix

• I've assumed that student readers have little or no familiarity with anthropology. I am introducing them to the field from the ground up, starting from scratch, and having in mind courses whose goal is to truly introduce rather than supply an encyclo- pedic survey. For the introductory student, none of the detail about models, paradigms, or current theoretical debates makes a bit of sense unless and until that student has a basic knowledge of the general approach, subject matter, methodology, history, and facts of our field. Although I do briefly discuss the area of anthropological theory and note several current debates, a text that focuses on that subject or that is written from just one per- spective would fail to do justice to the field. And it would cer- tainly fail to convey to the introductory student the basic identity of anthropology, the basic facts that anthropology has discerned about the human species, and the richness of our sub- ject matter, our scholarly worldview, and our contributions to knowledge and human welfare.

• To get students to feel that I am talking to them personally, I have mixed an appropriate level of informality with the more formal style that must be used to convey the ideas of anthro- pology and the seriousness with which we approach our sub- ject. I want the students to feel that I am taking a journey through anthropology with them, not that I have just given them a map and guidebook and left them on their own.

• Because a common misconception of our field is that we only study old dried-up fossils and exotic living peoples with their bizarre behaviors, I have tried to emphasize that anthropology studies the world's peoples in all their guises-ordinary and extraordinary, next door and in remote places. I have used as many examples and analogies as possible from North American cultures, groups, and situations. Students should know that anthropology doesn't stop the moment they walk out the classroom door; they should know that they too can do anthropology and that they too are anthropological subjects.

• To really understand anthropology, students must apply it to thinking about their own lives. To further encourage this, the text includes a "Contemporary Issues" box at the end of each chapter that specifically applies the topic of the chapter to some question about the contemporary world, with a focus, where possible, on America and American culture.

• Stories have worked well for most of human history as a vehicle for transmitting facts and ideas. They are more memo- rable than lists. I have written this text keeping in mind the narrative approach. There are a few literal stories, such as the one about my fieldwork that begins the book. But narrative in

xx Preface

a more general sense refers to a causal sequence of events, and I have tried to show how the various topics within anthropology connect with one another in this manner. The student readers should be able to navigate their way through the book and know where they are within the broad and diverse field of anthropology. I have provided signposts in the form of part, chapter, and subheading titles that logically and descriptively divide the subject as I have ordered it. The number of cultures used as examples is limited so that the same groups may be referred to throughout the book in different contexts.

• A true introduction should be short and to the point. Achieving brevity while trying to introduce such a broad field is a challenge. I have tried to include every major topic within mainstream anthropology while managing the amount of detail presented. I think it is more efficient, at this level, to convey a sense of a topic through one clear, interesting, memorable example rather than four or five. One's own favorite example can always be discussed or more detail added in class.

• Finally, the text is as accessible, attractive, straightforward, and uncluttered as possible. Important terms are boldfaced where they first appear and defined briefly in a running glossary in the margin. These terms are also listed alphabetically in a glossary at the end of the book. Also included is a standard bibliography. The text itself is not interrupted with specific references and citations. These are listed in a section at the end of each chapter called "Notes, References, and Readings," along with other references to the topics covered and to some specific studies or facts for those interested in pursuing a sub- ject further. A chapter summary precedes this section, as well as "Questions for Further Thought," which help students explore the real-world ramifications of the chapters' topics. Photographs and line art are in color where possible, and captions add information rather than simply label the illustrations.

NEW TO rms EDITION The book has been updated where needed, and the discussion of many topics has been clarified. Highlights include the following:

• The major new feature is the addition of new subheadings in the chapters. This is to help the readers navigate through the more complex topics and, if they study this way, to provide them with a built-in outline of the chapter contents.

Preface xxi

o The text has been further streamlined. No subject has been deleted, but I have tried to include only central ideas and related concepts that lead to and follow from them.

o Topics have been updated throughout to reflect new data, research, and ideas.

o Chapter 2, "How Anthropology Works," has an improved discussion of the scientific method.

o Chapter 3, "Themes of Anthropology: Evolution," includes simplified discussions of genetics and the processes of evolu- tion, to better prepare students for the applications of those topics to come later.

o Chapter 4, "Themes of Anthropology: Culture," has a revised discussion and diagram relating to the methodology of study- ing cultural systems .

• Chapter 5, "Our Place in Nature: Humans as Primates," returns to the use of hominid to include only humans and our direct ancestors. I briefly account for this in the context of a simplified and improved discussion of taxonomic schemes.

o Chapter 6, "Evolution: The Bipedal, Large-Brained Primate," contains updates on the fossil record, including the new evidence for interbreeding between "modern" humans and Neandertals.

o Chapter 7, "Reproduction: The Sexual Primate," and Chapter 8, "Human Variation: Biological Diversity and Race," have been considerably streamlined to more clearly make their important points.

• Chapter 13, "Culture Change: Theories and Processes," now does a better job of discussing the processes that bring about culture change.

o Chapter 14, "The Evolution of Our Behavior: Putting It All Together," simplifies the discussion of the biblical food laws so as to better set up the topics that follow.

o Chapter 15, "Anthropology in Today's World: Problems and Contributions," updates material on the societies discussed.

ANCILLARIES

Visit our Online Learning Center Web site at www.mhhe.comlpark6e for robust student and instructor resources.

For students: Student resources include self-quizzes (multiple-choice and true or false), Internet links, and chapter study aids.

For instructors: The password-protected instructor portion of the Web site includes the instructor's manual, a comprehensive computer- ized test bank, and PowerPoint lecture slides.

xxii Preface

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I want to thank all the hardworking people at McGraw-Hill who have turned my ideas, words, and doodles into a real book. These include Courtney Austermehle, brand manager; Pen ina Braffman, managing editor; Jane Mohr, project manager; Nicole Bridge, developmental editor; Alexandra Schultz, marketing specialist; and jennifer Pickel, buyer.

Special thanks also to the sponsoring editor of the first edition of this book, jan Beatty, who encouraged me to try something different and whose influence will always be a part of this and all my other books.

Thanks as well to my friend, colleague, and ofttimes coauthor, Ken Feder, for his help in many important ways. Roger Lohmann provided a detailed set of suggestions, comments, and corrections that were help- ful throughout the book and particularly so in the religion chapter. Laura Donnelly provided advice for and posed for the sign-language photos. For those times when I ventured into the physical sciences, Bob Weinberger checked my facts, and Fran Weinberger kept me on my toes regarding the facts of the biblical dietary laws; both these people, of course, remain innocent of any final transgressions. And for forty years my students at Central Connecticut State have been my "guinea pigs" for teaching ideas covered in this text; they have also been my most candid, most vocal, and most helpful critics.

The manuscript was reviewed by the following people: Anthony Tessandori, Bellevue College; Benjamin Arbuckle, Baylor University; Pam Sezgin, Gainesville State College; Wanda Clark, South Plains College; Cassandra Kuba, California University of Pennsylvania; Karla Davis-Salazar, University of South Florida; Elizabeth Peters, Florida State University; Catherine Fuentes, University of North Carolina; R. A. Halberstein, University of Miami; Cindy Isenhour, University of Kentucky; Manouchehr Shiva, Bellevue College; and jim Wanner, University of Northern Colorado-Greeley. I thank them all for their helpful and insight- ful contributions. Any errors, of course, remain entirely my responsibility.

To My Readers

Ihe always appreciated knowing something about the authors of thebooks I read, and so I think you should know something about me- especially since you are relying on me to introduce you to anthropology.

I started my college career at Indiana University as a biology major, then switched two or three times to other majors. I took my first anthropology course because it sounded interesting-and because it ful- filled a general education requirement and met at a convenient time. But soon I was hooked. Once I learned what anthropology was all about, I realized it was the perfect combination of many subjects that had always interested me. I went on to get my undergraduate degree in anthropology and stayed at Indiana for graduate work, specializing in biological anthropology-first human osteology (the study of the skeleton) and forensic anthropology and later redirecting my interests to evolutionary theory and evolutionary processes as they apply to the human species. This, as you'll read about in Chapter 1, was the focus of my fieldwork and research among the Hutterites. I received my doctoral degree in 1979.

In 1973 I started working at Central Connecticut State University, where I've been ever since, teaching courses in general anthropology (the topic of this book), human evolution, human biocultural diversity, forensic anthropology, the evolution of human behavior, and human ecology. I have also taught courses in the biology department and the university's honors program. I consider myself primarily an educator, so it was a natural step from classroom teaching to writing textbooks. This one is my sixth.

In addition to my personal and professional interest in anthropol- ogy, I'm also concerned about the quality of science education and about public knowledge and perception of scientific matters. I have written and lectured on such things as teaching evolution, scientific investigations of palm reading and psychic detectives, and environmen- tal issues.

On the purely personal side, in case you're interested, I live in rural Connecticut with my wife, two Labrador retrievers, and two

xxiii

xxiv To My Readers

cats. When I'm not doing anthrnpology, I enjoy reading (although most of what I read seems to have something to do with science) and travel (although our trips nearly always include museums and archae- ological sites). And since you may wonder when you get to Chapter 3, I've never followed up on my tropical fish experiments.

PRACfrCAl STUDY TIPS

Most Importantly: Establish Your Own Style and Stick to It. What works for one person won't for another. I always needed peace and quiet to study and still do, but I know some of my students like to study while listening to their iPods. Some people highlight passages in the text, others make marginal notes, still others write an outline of the material. Of course, you'll have to adjust your study style to the text in question and to your instructor's format, but for the most part, you can do this around your basic approach. Don't be too inflexible, though; try some of the following suggestions. If they work, fine. If not, forget them.

Read the Text as a Book. It may sound strange, but this is a book. It is not a Web site on paper nor a guide to using other resources. Very simply, it should be read as a book, as you would a novel, for example. I wrote it in a "narrative" style. That is, the contents of the chapters and the order of the chapters themselves are meant to convey a story, where one idea leads to the next and each idea follows from previous ideas. Stories are how humans have shared information since time immemorial. And because this book is structured as a story-a causal sequence of ideas-it is much easier to retain than is a list of facts.

Don't Highlight Everything. I've seen some of my students' textbooks with virtually every sentence glowing yellow, pink, or green. This is not helpful, just as it's not help- ful to try to write down everything your instructor says in class. Notes

To My Readers xxv

and highlighting should be clues to jog your memory. Here are two examples taken from the previous edition of this text-of what not to do and of what would help you actually learn the material:

See the difference?

F1GUllfU A Son he..". (lo/il "'. """"e",",stud;,,,,,,,, 1heoou«arlheot!>er m.n',l'"""

in rolygynou. marri,ge' ore ~ealer" men po<>e"ing ,pee;al puwers 'ha' allow them ro "u'" ill",,><(FigLlre9.6). Thi, i, one of rhe few symbol, of differential ,tJlu, seen among toc San. Women, by [~e "'"y. may al'o oc heolers, b,n ,h ... wOmendo nm ... m 10 have "ny ,peciol privik'j;<>.

50" religion recognizes multiple ."pern""",1 heing" including two very impo",nt, powerful god, "'~o are largely re'pon,ible for 'he cre- LH;onof the world ond for keeping i[ running. Ther< are .1", 101> of incli"idllol spiri.. , as well ., ,h,. ghost< of d,'Ce.",d people, who rel1d 10 he mob·olem. n'e healers are ,hought '0 po"." a 'ub",,,c<, or heoling power, ,h" rhe~'(-an invoke ,hrough • d,1nee, h ClIu.... rhem to go in'o a ""nee during which tltey arc able '0 cure ill"e"'" und ,peak wi,h ,he ghos" of [he dead.

T~e la" "ai' uf foragers I nored earli" ;, theiT lack of 0 wneep' of land and rcSourco ownership. Thi' i' ",," fur 'h" Son. !t', no' that eac~ bn"d of San roam wlterever ,hey want. Each h,nd has an " .. in "'hieh i' normally hunt' ,"d go,n«., and ,hi, area i, acknowledged hy u'her bond,. If. however, 'he home range of one hand runs out of • resource-say, if i" w,,,er hole dr,es up or hecom., co""",ina"d-th"

232 PARTTIIRE. ,Id,'p'illl; '0 Ou, World'

FICiURE'I.6

AS,n he.ller(Jef') io" It,."

in polygynou, m;rrri.g,., .rr healer<,me" ro,se"ing 'pt"i.1 powers th" ,llow ,hem W cur< illn'" (Figure 9.6). Th;s;, Or" of 'he few symbol, of diffor.",i,,1 Sratu' ",en among the San. Women, hy 'he way, moy .Iso be h.. lers, bur 'he'" women do "0' "",n, '0 ~"'e any .pec'al pri,·i1ego,.

San rel;gion ,,'Cogn;ze.,mul'iple 'uperna'u,,1 beings, including ''''0 "ery impo"ant, powerful god, wno are largely re.pnn,ihle for 'he er.- l\'ion of the world and for keeping i' running, There are al,o 10" of ind;Yidllal ,piri", .. well as 'he g~o", of deceased peopl., who lend 10 be malevolent. The healers au though, ttl ro''"'' , 'uh,,,,",·<, or he.l;ng power, ,ha' ,hey cOn i"voke ,hrough • d'nce. It C"use' 'hem '0 go into' rrance during "'hich ,hey are ahlo (0 cure illnesse' and speak with the gho... of oI,edeod

TIle I", an area in which i' normally hun" and gaohers, and th;, area is ,cknowledged by mher I>""d,. If, however, rhc Itom. "'''g< of one hond ru,,, ou, of " rc,ourc,,~y, if its w'ler hole dries "p Or b<.~·ome,""numi"".d_,hoo

xxvi To My Readers

Use the Anci lIary Material as Support. The text in the book, with the illustrations and captions, is the main part. The running glossary entries (in the margins), opening questions, material at the ends of chapters, the main glossary, and the Online Learning Center Web site are all there to help you make sense of and learn the material in the book. Use all these things to help you define words and test your knowledge of the material, but don't start with them or rely on them. The text I had when I took introducrory anthro- pology had none of these things. They are helpful but not necessary.

Organize Reviewing and Studying for Exams. For this book, I'd suggest first rereading the opening questions and then the summary for each chapter. These will remind you of the themes of the chapter, the general ideas that the facts are supporting. Then, review your highlights and notes. Finally, see if you can answer the opening questions.

Ask Questions! If you miss one idea, you may well miss many ideas that follow from it. Write down questions that occur to you, or make notes in the mar- gins of the book. Then get answers to them as soon as you can. And while it's a cliche, it's true: No question is stupid. Someone else in the class may well have the same question. And if you would like my input, feel free to email me at: ParkM@ccsu.edu.

Anthropology: The Biocultural Study of the Human Species

1 Doing Anthropology: Defining the Discipline A brief description of the author's fieldwork experience. A sketch of the Hutterites, the sub- jects of that fieldwork. A definition of anthropology and a description of its subfields. A brief description of the logic and structure of the book.

2 How Anthropology Works: Methods of Inquiry A definition and description of science and how it contrasts with belief systems. The impor- tance of each of these methods of inquiry within cultural systems. The nature of anthropology as a scientific and humanistic discipline.

3 Themes of Anthropology: Evolution A brief history of evolutionary thought. A discussion of basic genetics, adaptation, and descent with modification-eoncepts at the heart of evolutionary theory. Natural selection and other processes of evolution. The result of evolution: the origin of new species.

4 TItemes of Antltropology: Culture A definition of culture, a discussion of culture among nonhumans, and some ideas about the cerebral basis of culture. A model for the study of culture and cultural variation and some examples of how it works. An introduction to the study of material culture and the recon- struction of past cultures.

DOING ANTHROPOLOGY Defining the Discipline

CHAPTER CONTENTS In the Field • The Hutterites • Anthropology • Contemporary Issues: What ResponsibilitiesDoes the Anthropologist HaveWhen Studying Other Cultures? • Plan of the Book • Summary • Questions for Further Thought • Notes. References, and Readings

3

4 PART ONE Anthropology; The Bioculrural Study of the Human Species

If you asked ten people to define anthropology, you would probablyget ten answers, each partially correct but not covering the entire , definition of the field. This is understandable. Anthropology IS such a broad discipline that many people-including me when I took my first anthropology course-conceive of the field in terms of the one or two aspects they are familiar with.

In this chapter, we will define anthropology as a whole, discuss the major subfields of the discipline, and then show how all these subfields interact and work together. Then 1will bnefly describe how the rest of the book is organized. But first, because I think fieldwork is perhaps the best-known aspect of all areas of anthropology, I will begin with a brief description of one of my own fieldwork experiences and the people and society I studied. This introduction will also help you become familiar with a cultural system that we can examine throughout the book.

ASYOU READ, CONSIDER THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS:

I. Who are the Hutterites, and why did the author study them)

2. What IS the general definition of anthropology?

3. What are the major subfields of anthropology, and how do they integrate with one another?

IN THE FIELD

We had left behind the spacious wheat fields surrounding the small . town in western Saskatchewan, Canada, and were now driving a straight, flat, two-lane road through the open, rolling plains. Lyrics of old songs came to mind as I saw mule deer and pronghorn antelope playing in the "amber waves of grain." In fact, on that June day in 1973, I was desperately trying to think about anything other than where I was going.

I was on my way to meet my first real anthropological subjects, a colony of people belonging to a 450-year-old religious group called the Hutterian Brethren, or Hutterites. Up to this point I had not felt much anxiety about the visit. My situation was quite safe. Whereas other anthropologists had contacts with Amazon rain-forest warriors and highland New Guinea headhunters, I was in an English-speaking country, preparing to study an English-speaking people of European descent who practiced a form of Christianity that emphasized pacifism and tolerance.

anthropology The holistic, sceotitic study of humankind.

CHAPTER 1 Doing Anthropology 5

Such thoughts, however, were of no help. Nor was the fact that I was accompanied by the wife of a local wheat farmer who was well known and liked by this Hutterite community. I had that unnamed syndrome that affects many anthropologists under these circumstances.

The road turned from blacktop to gravel and then to dirt. After about 10 miles, it curved abruptly to the right, ran through an authen- tic western ghost town, and crested a hill. I saw below me, at the literal end of the road, a neat collection of twenty or so white buildings sur- rounded by acres of cultivated fields. This was the Hutterite colony, the Bruderhof, or "place of the brethren" (Figure 1.1).

As we drove into the colony, I became more anxious. There was not a soul to be seen. My companion explained that it was a religious holiday, requiring all but essential work to cease. The colony minister and the colony boss, however, had agreed to see me.

100 50 0 I I J

100 200 300 400 500 Ft. t I I I !

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I

FIGURE 1.1 Diagram of a typical Hutterite colony. The variety of buildings and their functions are indicative of the Hotterites' attempt to keep their colonies self-sufficient and separate from the outside world (In reality: there would be many more buildings designated as living quarters.)

6 PART ONE Anthropology: The Biocultural Study of the Human Species

FIGURE 1.2 Hutterite women in typical dress.

We knocked at the door of one of the small buildings I assumed was a residence. We were greeted formally but warmly by an elderly man dressed in the Hutterite fashion-black trousers and coat over a white shirt-and with a full beard. The room we entered, clearly a living room, was darkened in observance of the holiday. That darkness, combined with my nervous excitement, has erased all impressions of the next few minutes from my memory.

My recollections of that day resume moments later, with my bear- ings straight and introductions made. I explained the reason for my visit to the man who had greeted us, a younger man, and a woman. The older man was the colony minister; the other man, who happened to be his son, was the colony boss. The woman, the minister's wife, was also dressed in the conservative style of the Hutterites. She wore a white blouse beneath a nearly full-length sleeveless dress with a small floral pattern on a black background. Her head was covered by a polka-dot kerchief, which they call a shawl (Figure 1.2).

CHAPTER 1 Doing Anthropology 7

The three listened in silence as I went through my well-rehearsed explanation. My contacts, the wheat farmer and his wife, had briefed them about what I wanted to do, and I had already written them a letter introducing myself. But I realized that if they didn't like me or my explanation, they could stilldecline to cooperate. So I started from the beginning, reviewing that I wanted to take their fingerprints-which are partially influenced by genes-and collect genealogical data to document genetic changes between populations and across generations.

When I had finished, they asked me a few questions: Was I from the government? (They apparently knew about fingerprints only in the context of law enforcement and personal identification.) Did I know Scripture? (My equivocal answer seemed to create no problem.) What would I use this study for? Was I going to write a book? Did I know Dr. Steinberg, who had been there two years earlier collecting medical data? (I had taken a course from him.)

When they had exhausted their questions, I expected that they would confer with one another or ask me to come back when they had decided. Instead, the minister, who was clearly in charge, simply said, "Today is a holiday for us. Can you start tomorrow?" And so, for the next month I took part in my personal version of the anthropological fieldwork experience-taking fingerprints, recording family relation- ships, observing colony life, and befriending the Hutterites of this and a related Bruderhof in Alberta.

What exactly had brought me 1,300 miles from the university where I was doiug graduate work to this isolated community of peo- ple whose way of life had changed little over nearly half a millennium and whose lifestyle and philosophy were so different from that of North American culture in general? Essentially, it was the same thing that takes anthropologists to the savannas of East Africa, the outback of Australia, the caves of southern France, and the street corners of New York City: the desire to learn something about the nature of the human species.

In my case, I was pursuing an interest I had developed early in graduate school. I was curious about certain processes of evolutionary change and how they op\rate in human populations. To examine them and their roles in our evolution, I needed to fiud a human group with a few special characteristics. First, the group had to be fairly genetically isolated, meaning that most members found their mates from within the group. The group had to be fairly small as a whole, but with large individual families. I was also looking for a group that had knowledge of their genealogy and in which family relationships reflected genetic as well as cultural categories. (Aswe will see in Chapter 10, all societies have systems of family relationships, but few of these coincide completely with biological relationships.) Finally, I was hoping for a community in which individual units within the group were created through the splitting up of existing units.

8 PART ONE Anthropology: The Biocultural Study of the Human Species

The Hutterites fit this description very well. I had learned of them through library research on genetically isolated populations. My oppor- tunity to study them was greatly enhanced by a stroke of luck: a fellow graduate student was the daughter of the wheat farmer and his wife who became my contacts. Let's briefly look at the Hutterites, whom we will use as one example of a cultural system throughout this book.

THE HUITERITES

The Hutterian Brethren is a Christian religious sect founded in Moravia (part of the present-day Czech Republic) in 1528 by peoples from southern Germany and Austria. They were part of the Anabaptist move- ment, whose doctrines shunned the idea of infant baptism and advo- cated a church free from the control of the state. Because of their doctrines, the Anabaptist groups were disliked by the mainstream Catholics and Protestants of their time. Many Anabaptist sects formed during this period, but only three remain today: the Hutterites; the Mennonites; and a Mennonite branch, the Amish. All now live mainly in North America.

One additional aspect of some of these groups' nonconformity was their belief in communal living and ownership. The biblical passage that forms the basis of the Hutterite lifestyle is Acts 2:44, which reads in part: "And all that believed were together, and had all things common."

But the nonconformity of the Anabaptists also led to persecution. Many members of the various sects were imprisoned, and some were tortured and burned at the stake. One of those executed was Jacob Hutter, an early leader of the group that, after his martyrdom, took his name. This persecution resulted in the demise of most Anabaptist groups, but through continual migration and sheer persistence, the Hutterites managed to survive. Over the next 300 years they lived in Slovakia.. Romania, and Russia, coming finally in the 1870s to the United States. Later problems connected with taxes and with the military draft (the Hutterites, remember, are pacifists) led many Hutterites to move again, this time to Canada. Today there are over 45,000 Hutterites in 462 colonies located in the Canadian provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and British Columbia; the rest are in Montana, North and South Dakota, Minnesota, and Washington (Figure 1.3). (We'll cover more of Hutterite history in Chapter 12.)

The sect is now divided into three subsects descended from the three original colonies founded by the Hutterire migrants to North America. The subsects have been genetically isolated from one another since World War I; that is, members find mates only from within their subsect. The differences among the subsecrs include degree of cultural conservatism, which is manifested in, for example, clothing styles.

CHAPTER 1 Doing Anthropology 9

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The Hutterites live in Bruderhofs, colonies of around 100 people. The lifestyle is communal in almost every sense of the word: all land, resources, and profits are colony property. An individual's personal belongings are all contained in a hope chest. Decisions concerning the colony are made by elected officials headed by the colony boss. The colony minister, in charge of the group's religious welfare, is also elected. Work is divided along sexual lines and among a number of specialists-chicken men, teachers, cooks, and so on-but the division is not absolute. The community views the completion of required tasks as a community responsibility; when work needs to be done, there is someone to do it.

The Hutterite economy is basically agricultural, and the specific crops and animals raised depend on the geography and economy of the area occupied. Although the Hutterites (like the better-known Amish) have traditionally shunned such worldly items as television, radio, and personal ornamentation, they will readily accept any modern technol- ogy or any contact with outsiders that aids them as farmers. Because of this attitude and the relative wealth of most colonies, the members of a Bruderhof look like people who have stepped out of the past but who use modern tractors, milking machines, fertilizers, antibiotics, telephones, and computers (Figure 1.4).

Traditionally, children have been educated at the colony in the "English school" by a state or provincial teacher until the legal age at which they can leave. The most important schooling, however, given

FIGURE 1.3 Map showing the number of Hutterite colonies in each state or province as of 20 12,

10 PART ONE Anthropology: The Biocultural Study of the Human Species

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