Kohomba kankariya history in sinhala

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A. J. GUNAW ARDANA HI

DEPARTMENT OF CULTURAL AFFAIRS SRI LANKA

TO THE READER

This slim volume is only a basic introduction to Sinhala

theatre; it has no pretensions to being an exhaustive, detailed

study. Interested readers who wish to further pursue the

subject are referred to other relevant publications in this series

and to the select bibliography given at the end of the book.

My thanks are due to the Department of Cultural Affairs for

sponsoring this publication.

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July 12, 1976,

Vidyodaya Campus,

University of Sri Lanka,

Gangodawila, Nugegoda.

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A. J. GUNAWARDANA

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The Culture of Sri lanka - 6

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A. J. GUNAWARDANA II I

1976

PUBLISHED BY THE DEPARTMENT OF CULTURAL AFFAIRS SRI .. LANKA

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THEATRE IN SRI LANKA

IN Sri Lanka, the traditional and the modern, the old and the ~ew in theatre can be seen in striking conjunction. Based in Colombo, the capital city, there is a burgeoning, cosmopolitan, modern theatre which presents original works and translations (of Beckett, Brecht, Gogol, Gorky, et. al.) in a wide range of forms .and styles. In the rural areas, age-old ritualistic theatres are per- formed to promote the welfare of the community and to heal the sick. In between are various folk theatres the entertain- me~ts springing from a predominantly agricultural way of life. And, as in all modernizing societies, many of the older forms are waning away while the new theatre is flowering.

THE RITUAl. THEATRES

The ritual theatres of Sri Lanka are among the oldest extant -performances with an unbroken history. Legend traces their beginnings to pre-Buddhistic times. However remote their ori- gins, it is quite clear that the ritual theatres, like all living art forms, have been changing over the years, discarding some ele-

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ments and absorbing others. As practised today, ritual theatres are generally night-long performances addressed to the numerous deities and demons of the folk religion.

A vast pantheon of gods a~d demons inhabits the still vital world of Sinhala folk belief. Depending on time and circums- tances, and their particular spheres of influence, these powerful beings can impinge in various ways on the affairs of men. For -example, gods can assure a plentiful harvest and bring succour to people in times of distress. The demons, on the other hand, are evil in their effects : they possess people, making them ilL

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The primary purpoSe of the ritual theatres is to propitiate the gods and the demons, so that they will confer their blessings or heal the afflicted. Where the demons are concerned, there is an -exorcistic 'aim also. A basic assumption in these theatres is that

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these beings have the right to expect certain oblations and offer- ings from humans. If these are not made, the gods will either cause harm to people or desist from helping them. As for the demons, they extract their dues by afflicting people with various diseases. However, once an offering is made in the proper manner, the demons are obliged to remove their malefic influence and return the patient to good health.

The ritual theatres are more than modes of oblation: they are also re-enactments of the original ceremonials in which the cove- nant between the other-worldly forces and the human forces was first ratified or demonstrated. Typically, the gods are invited to watch the proceedings; the demons are summoned in order that they may be persuaded to behave in the manner they did on a similar occasion in the distant past .

. Although there is great dramatic potential in this view of the relationship between the human world and the spirit world, the ritual performances have not evolved into continuous, full-scale dramas. The general conception is theatrical (the space used is constantly referred to as the" ranga mandala" arena of perfor- mance) but the form itself is highly segmented, mixing long sec- tions of verse narrative, incantation, chant, and dance with dra- matized episodes which employ dialogue and mime as well. The episodes are culled mainly from stories dealing with the genesiS and the background of each principal deity or demon. While almost every performance element is brought in, it is dance that predominates in most ritual theatres.

Furthermore, these theatres have an unmistakably composite character; in the course of time, a number of different but allied

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rites have come together. This is suggested both by the strong reminiscences of archaic year rites and animistic cults found :iIi them, and by the diversity of gods and demons coming within the ambit of each ceremonial.

While they all occupy one broad framework on account of the similarity of their essential attitudes and structures, the ritual theatres can be conveniently separated into several categories. In the large-scale performances, the collective aspect predominates -they are done for the welfare of a whole community, the village

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being the primary unit. These are generally addressed to the gods and are given annually (customarily at harvest time) or when the community is' threatned by epidemics of certain infectious diseases thought to have links with the spirit world. In the latter case, a vow is first made that a performance would be given upon speedy release from the grip of the epidemic.

There is a second category of ritual where the beneficiary is an individual, rather than the community as a whole. Demonic pos- session is one obvious occasion which calls for such theatre. Another is evil planetary influence. These theatres, smaller in scale than the communal types, are of course performed when indicated, or rather prescribed by the ritual specialist or astrologer.

Of the major communal theatres, the most fa mous and un- doubtedly the most majestic is the Kohomba Kankariya. Now- adays confined to the environs of Kandy, the Kohomba Kankariya traces its beginnings all the way back to the first Sinhala kings .

. . The name means the rite of God Kohomba, an animistic deity, which is suggestive of the antiquity of the ritual. However, the original cult appears to have coalesced with several other, per- haps more recent, folk ceremonials. Today it clearly displays this .

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mixed ancestry, a feature common to all Sinhala ritual theatres.

In keeping with the usual pattern, the Kohomba Kankariya is a somewhat disjointed performance separating into a number of named segments or episodes. A common set of ritual objectives

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and a single form of dance, rather than a coherent dramatic structure, link them together. In the Kohomba Kankariya, far more than in other comparable ritual theatres, the dance element takes precedence over all other aspects. In consequence, it becomes the finest and most complete presentation of Sinhala dance: in this instance, the Kandyan form, which is counted the most beautiful of Sinhala dances.

The massed Kandyan dancers in stately head-gear (ves) going into elaborate balletic formations to the accompaniment of deep, 'vibrant drum music, make a splendid spectacle. The sheer per- vasiveness' and beauty of the dance might lead the uninitiated

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to the conclusion that the Kohomba Kankariya is nothing but an extensive presentation of dance. Despite the elaboration of the dance the ritual purpose has never been forgotten. For example, the opening of the giapt Mahaveli river diversion scheme in January 1976 was marked by the performance of a Kohomba Kankariya on the dam site.

The participants themselves treat it with the utmost serious- ness and observe the ritual sanctions. A Kohomba Kankariya, moreover, figures as a ' significant event in the Kandyan dancer's artistic life: it offers him the most challenging occasion for the display of his talents, for he dances in the company of his peers. And it was customary at one time to perform a Kohomba Kankariya on the "graduation" of a Kandyan dancer, that is, when he is first permitted to put on the ves head-gear at the end of his training.

The explicitly dramatic segments of the Kohomba Kankariya.- nowdays sometimes omitted in performance come towards the conclusion. Though only peripherally connected to the core ritual, these are of great interest, not only for their use of performance techniques, but also for the way they reflect the social reality that engendered them. Uro Yakkama (the rite of Hunting the Boar) is a case in point. The event is presented in verse narrative, dialogue (often humorous) and mimetic action.

Before setting forth to shoot the boar, the hunter (played by one of the dancers) consults an astrologer for an auspicious time and the proper procedure to be followed. The hunter encounters other animals which he mistakes for a boar. Eventually, he comes across the real quarry. At this point, a boar-effigy (made of banana stem) is brought into the arena. Now a discussion ensues as to how the boar should be taken, and it is decided that the best method would be to use a buffalo as decoy.

Now another dancer turns himself into a buffalo by arching his body and placing his limbs in a particular manner. This animal, noosed after much effort, is then used to entice the boar, which is shot down with bow and arrow. Subsequently, it is

dismembered, and the parts are given away to the villagers. In this distribution, the actual social order of everyday life is reversed by means of a simple device: the least desirable por- tions of the carcass are given to the highest-ranking members of the community, and the best to the lowest. Done to the accom- paniment of a sarcastic commentary, this achieves a high degree of social satire and criticism. .

The Uru Yakkama is but one episode of a type that is found not only the Kahomba Kankariya, but also in practically all ritual theatres. This makes it- clear that ritual theatres have functions besides those pertaining strictly to the spirit world. They deal with matters of everyday reality; in fact, they fre- quently exhibit a strong tendency to move in the direction of " profane" entertainment :h~ving little to do with ritual purpose. This is not a characteristic unknown to other cultures; in Sri Lanka it has been quite pronounced because ritual -was, . from the beginning, the major kind of performance among the Sinh ala people.

, Less stately, less costly, hence more frequently given is a

group of communal rituals _ (Gam Maduva, Devol Maduva, Puna Maduva) deriving largely from the V{orship of the goddess Pattini (Sinhala variant of the peerless Kannaki celebrated in the Tamil classic Shilappadi1caram). Pattini, whose cult is wipe- ly followed, is considered to be a powerful deity especially im- , port ant with respect to contagious diseases. Her intercession is also sought in times of personal distress. Temples (kovill devale) dedicated to her a.r~ scattered throughout the country.

Ritual theatres linked with the Pattini cult are in the main annual occurrences. The principal objects of worship repre- senting the goddess herself are a pair of ankle bracelets, the item of jewellery that played such a crucial role in he:r,- own life. Following the normal practice, the core ritual incorporates a number of subsidiary rites. Chiefly, though, it is the story of the goddess that is enacted through mime, dance, and verse narrative. Of special interest is a sequence called the Mara- I paddema (death and resurrection) which intimates the great antiquity of the cults that have come to be affiliated with the Pattmi theatres.

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Since these theatres are performed in many parts of the country, some variations can be noticed in the styles they em- ploy. Furthermore, two distinct forms of dance " Kandyan ., Or "Uda Rata" in the up-country areas, and" Pahata Rata" in the low-country are used. At the present time, one is more likely to witness these theatres in the coastal areas (" Pahata Rata ") . As with the Kohomba Kankariya, their performance depends on the support of the community.

The second category of ritual theatres those concerned with individual sickness or misfortune are known collectively as bali-thovil. Bali means rites dedicated to the planetary deities, and are the least dramatic of the ritual theatres. Thovil, given to propitiate and exorcise demons, are as a class highly dramatic ;.md excitingly theatrical.

Bali is a votive offering where chant and incantation receive far greater emphasis than dance and mime. This feature, together with its direct appeal to planetary deities, can be taken as evidence that Bali is a later growth than the communal theatres. Another notable characteristic of Bali is the use of images. Large clay effigies, sometimes as tall as 3 metres, representing the planetary deities are constructed in bas-relief fashion, and mounted in upright position before the commencement of the ceremony. The ritual activities take place in front of these images. When they are over, these care- fully moulded images are destroyed. Mainly on account of the heavy expenditure it involves, Bali is seldom performed today.

From Bali to Thovil is a fair leap, though in common parlance the two are linked. The demon world forms the territory of Thovil. The demons are seen as adversaries ever ready to cause harm to men, not as beings capable of beneficence. Thus, apart from propitiation (which is common to all ritual theatres) exor- cism also occurs in Thovil. In many instances, the demons are impersonated by masked dancers. (Hence the term "devil dancing" frequently used to describe Thovil.) It is not un- common for patients to go into states of trance during the course of a performance: at such times, the patient is said to be possessed by the demon responsible for the ailment. These characteristics,

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implying direct and unmediated encounters with the demons, sometimes turn Thovil into an enormously exciting theatrical

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Thovil is an exceptionally interesting curative and therapeu- tic performance in which the patient's syndrome is translated into the shape and fOlnl of other-wordly creatures who, though evil and frightening, cannot exercise total dominion over man. They can be brought under control. The performers confront them on behalf of the patient by summoning them to the arena and enacting the original ritual to reiterate the sanctions within which they must operate. Accordingly, the demons are obliged to accept the offerings tokens of what they used to extract before the covenant was established and depart.

The demons must appear before dawn, because they have to r eturn to their abodes without being seen by the sun. Upon arrival ill the arena, each demon executes a few steps to the drum, then opens a dialogue with another performer or dru Imner, asking 'why he has been summoned, etc. The reason is given: he must accept the offerings made ready for him and heal the sick person: Some" bargaining" between him and the interlo- cutor now follows he wants more than is given. Finally, agreement is reached; the demon accepts offerings, blesses the patient and exits. The dialogue is quite humorous, and often heavily charged with obscenities and scatological references.

Th~ intensest moment in a Thovil performance is reached when the patient becomes violently possessed, and assumes the persona of the apposite demon. At such times, the "patient- demon" is closely questioned, and forced to pledge that he will remove llis evil influence and go away'. Customarily, the patient joins in the dancing at such times. Recalcitrant, unyielding demons are subjected to various punishments, usually exhaust- ing dance at highly increased tempo. Sometimes, they are made to beat themselves with coconut flowers or fronds.

There are several different kinds of Thovil (e.g. Suniyama, Rata. Yakuma, Sanni Yakuma) , each distinguished by a particular con- tent and a concern with specific forms of demon affliction. Sann.i

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Yakuma is probably the best known, for it brings in eighteen demons, representing eighteen separate diseases (sanni). The

. . demon is identified by the mask he wears, the gestures and mannerisms that attach to him as well as by the verses that signal his entry. Great theatrical flair can be seen in the execution of the entry each demon, appropriately masked and costumed, sometimes bearing lighted torches in his hands, rushes into the arena from behind an altar (vidiya) amid shrieks and frenzied drumming. These grotesque and fearsome-looking creatures do not however frighten the patient and the spectators. One reason for this is the ribald, comic gesture and tone that underlie their portrayal. Another is the assumption that demons, however malevolent, can ultimately be controlled.

" Arena" is perhaps too suggestive a word to be employed in the context of these theatres. Any level piece of ground serves as the performance area. A raised platform and fixed seating are totally unknown. The audience sits or stands in, a circle round the space. A roofed structure is built for certain such as the Kohomba Kankariya and Gam Maduva (maduva = shed or pavilion) but this is never thought of as a playhouse. Whatever the ritual prompting behind it, the Maduva today functions chiefly as a shelter for the altars and the offering trays, and also as a means of demarcating the performance space. The audience is accommodated outside it-in the open air. For Thovil, the Maduva is not a prescribed requirement. Quite often, the verandah and compound of the patient's house are used as the acting space. The area thus obtained may be quite small; more over, it is a variable one, since the spectators move about constantly, changing the size of the circle.

The absence of a raised stage and a rigidly demarcated acting area means, among other things, that the relationship between the audience and the performers is an intimate one. It also means that lighting is for illumination only not for stage effects. Light and fire do playa very important part in ritual theatres. Fire, as is well known, is a ritual cleansing agent. So is the smok:e-e- created with aromatic resin powders which the performers in- hale and envelope themselves in at certain times. Lighted torches, lamps are regular "props" featured in these theatres. Dancers

execute intricate, acrobatic steps while holding or twirling several t orches at once, then touch them on chest and arms and " eat" the flames. In major commupal theatres, "fire-walking" is one of the mandatory concluding rites. The effect of the light and fire sequences is much reduced these days on account of the bright illumination given by electric and kerosene lights. In a dimly-lit environment, the lights and the flames make for a beautiful, exciting spectacle.

Ritual theatre is generally speaking a formal and solemn event Yet it is an air of informality that mostly prevails at perform- ances, for they are important social gatherings and meeting places too. The spectators are free to move about as they please;. and they usually do, especially at Thovils, where the serving of refreshments is a widely observed custom. There are other: reasons for the atmosphere of casualness. Few members of ' the" audience stay awake throughout a dusk to dawn " show". 'A:Iit occasional snooze is not considered improper. Furthermore-; these theatres are not designed to elicit continuous and consis- tent audience attention. There are segments (especially those· given over to chant and incantation) which turn into longueurs; even for the performers. At such times, the performers who are free rest or sleep.

A word needs to be said here about the performers. They are •

true professionals after a fashion not because their entire live- lihood today depends on the art, but because they are trained specialists. The training they receive is chiefly ir~ traditional dance and music, either Uda rata or Pahata rata depending on place of birth, family background and other determining factors. They begin quite early (normally before the age of ten) usually under the tutelage of an elder (father, uncle or other since the teaching, and indeed the whole tradition, is family- centred and caste-oriented. As in all traditional societies, the neophyte learns both by doing and observing. He will learn drumming as well as dancing, but concentrate on one later in life.

To become a ritual specialist, he does not have to join a cult. be initiated, or have a shamanistic experience. He merely learns the lore of the rituals, the procedures and the" texts". In fact,

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the student automatically turns mto a ritual specialist too as he completes his training, f.or Sinhala dance is traditionally insepa- rable from ritual. The dance, whatever the style, developed as the core of the ritual event. In the Kandyan tradition, for exam- ple, the education of the dancer culminated in the performance of the Kohomba Kankariya. Dance was pursued as a discipline and practised almost exclusively in the ritual context, and even today it forms the principal attraction of these theatres.

'The" texts" of the ritual theatres, which the performers mU!it know by memory, are of course not pieces of dramatic writing, but chants, mantrains, narratives in verse and other balladic material. Most of this may be called " folk" literature; a small part of it, though, is known only to the specialists. Several seg- ments of each performance have no textual basis and are entirely iinprovised following conventional techniques. For example, in • • •

the conversations with their interlocutors, the demons regularly play with words by mispronouncing and punning. Except for

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tllese passages of ad-libbing, whicn of course are in earthy, collo- · ". . q1,liaLspeech, there are no other occasions when the language of · , ,

ritual .theatre departs from the metrical, stanzaic forms of folk . '., poetry and from incantatory prose. ,

" lTheir major characteristics the propitiatory, exorcistic intent, the paramountcy of dance, the highly episodic, segmented 'struc- ture, the elastic fonn, the lack of a textual probably raise the question whether the ritual theatres are theatres at all. Indeed, they are frequently seen as primitive performances with only the rudiments of drama the rudiments being those sections where dramatic situatiCins are presented and developed through mime and dialogue.

It is hardly necessary to point out Jhat such a modernistic, literary perspective is inapplicable to these theatres which were generated and nurtured by societies entirely different from those germane to modern urban theatre. The traditional theatres articulated the specific kinds of relations that the people had with each other, with the environment and with the "Other World". They mixed the sacral and the secular and

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overlaid religious ceremonial with profane en tertainment. They served their several purposes admirably well and were wholly sufficient in their context. To deny that so patently audieilce-oriented perfonnances are theatre is t.o give a "Very limiting definition to the term. "

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To say all this is not to gloss over the fact that the ritual theatres have now reached a stage where all internal growth has ceased. The times have changed, but not the theatres. The cleavage between them and society is increasing, and the current revival of interest in the traditional arts has , served only to focus attention on their dance and musical aspects, not to transform or modify their s\lbJect matter. That , they' resist " modernisation" is part of their esse;ntial nature. ,

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That they are still performed is, however, sufficient evfdenc-e that these theatres have not lost all meaning and vitality. Of the several very important theatrical qualities they exempl,ify, the. most considerable and noteworthy perhaps is the communal. col'-- lective base that is a pre-condition of their being. They are ' the richly imaginative and functional artistic expressions of a siniple~ but highly integrated society where all endeavour was collective

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endeavour. This characteristic is evident even in Bali and ThovH • • • •

for there individual distress is brought into the public domain through the performance and the viewers participate in the heaJ- ,

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ing by sharing responsibility for the curative and therapeutic proced ures.

The ritual theatres are also total theatres. They bring into play~ besides the entire range of expressive modes gesture, mime~ song, chant, dance, etc. certain traditional crafts as well. Bali, as noted earlier, requires the moulding of images out of clay and the painting of figures of demons and deities. This is done in a style very similar, if not identical, to the work seen in the image holises of Buddhist temples. The mask carver's art, a notable one in the Sinhala tradition,' was sustained almost entirely by ritualistic theatre. (There is only one non-ritualistic Sinhala theatre Kolam that uses wooden masks.) -

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All ritual theatres make profuse use of offering trays (Thatu, Pideni), altars (Veediya, Aile) and other properties especially constructed for each performance. None of these ritual objects are re-used, since they are destroyed or discarded at the end of the event. Moreover, they are made of impermanent materials: banana stem, coconut fronds (gok), and habarala leaf.

Considering the diverse ways in which they haV€ reflected and articulated the culture, harnassed the perforn1ance arts and the decorative crafts, the ritual theatres may be said to constitute the mainstream of the Sinhala theatrical tradition. Certainly few other tlieatrical forms are better known or have found wider acceptance among the people. The performances still vibrate with energies absent in the other theatres and they achieve an elemental power with no investment in dramatic writing and no expenditure of scenery and set.

SOKARI •

. The indigellous Sinhala theatres outlined thus far fall strictly within the matrix of folk religious belief and practice. There are some others that lie out:ajde this matrix. Of these, Sokari, now an e~cl:usively Kandyan performance, is a rare transitional form that has . retained some ritual import despite a fully secular content. Its connection, interestingly, is with the Pattini cult which, as mentioned earlier, has a number of ritual theatres devoted to it.

Sokari is performed as a votive offering to Pattini. The goddess herself does not appear in the action in an instrumental fashion, but is nevertheless an immanent figure. Sokari has one story (like

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the ritual theatres) and this concerns a man, Guru Hami, his wife, the eponymous heroine, and their rascally servant Paraya (or Pachchamira) who travel to Sri Lanka from India, with the intention of settling down and raising a family. In the course of attempting these things, tne trio goes through a series of (largely comical) adventures. At one point, Sokari, young and seductive, elopes with, or is seduced by (the interpretation varies) the doctor summoned to treat her husband who has been bitten pya snake. Eventually she returns, and has a child by Guru Hami. .

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How, when and why the enactment of this stor y came to be linked with the worship of Pa'ttini are matters for speCUlation. That it has the connotations of a fertility rite is however quite obvious. Sokari is without child for sometime, and prays to Pattini for one. She conceives; the birth of the baby is depicted in the play. Afterwards, Sokari picks up a child from the audience and rocks it to sleep. All this, together with the sexual symbolism and the obscenities that punctuate the performance, are strongly suggestive of the possibility that Sokari is the dramatic elaboration of an archaic fertility rite.

Sokari is among the most theatrically accomplished of the folk performances. Its mimetic content is truly impressive in range and economy of use. The principal stages of the sea journey- the procuring of the timber, the building of the ship, the actual crossing of the ocean and the other happenings in Sri Lanka are presented through highly inventive physical actions that often match and even outdo the sophisticated experiments of th9 modern stage.

As done in the village setting, Sokari is a non-stop all night " show" be' . g shortly after the evening meal. Its ritual necessities are modest just one simple altar to house the few offerings to Pattini. The place of performance is any open space: threshing floors are commonly utilized for this purpose, again suggesting the fertility implications. The elaborate dancing seen in the ritual theatres is absent. The narrative portions, all in verse, are recited by the players (all males) and an unobtrusive chorus to the accompaniment of a: drum.