Open ended questions about school uniforms

Journal of Ethnographic and Qualitative Research 2007, Vol. 1, 31-39 ISSN: 1935-3308

THE ROLE OF SCHOOL UNIFORMS IN CREATING AN

ACADEMICALLY MOTIVATING CLIMATE:

DO UNIFORMS INFLUENCE TEACHER EXPECTATIONS?

John A. Huss Northern Kentucky University

This study sought to examine the perceptions of a group of public

elementary school teachers toward a new school uniform policy adopted

for their building. Interviews and non-participant observations were the

primary sources of data collection, and open coding was utilized to name

and categorize basic concepts, themes, and other phenomena. Teachers

in the study perceived that uniforms enhanced the learning environment

by encouraging integrality among students, enriching the quality of

interactions between faculty and students and improving discipline. The

researcher also employed attribution theory to consider how the social

perceiver uses information to arrive at causal explanations for events.

Social learning theory rests on the premise that human beings act toward

things on the basis of the meanings those things have for them, and that

such meanings arise out of the interaction of the individual with others.

TThis study sought to examine the percep- tions of a group of public elementary school

teachers toward a new school uniform policy

adopted for their building. I was particularly

interested in the teachers‘ impressions of the

overall school climate, defined as "the sum total

of, and dynamic interactions among, the psycho-

social, academic and physical dimensions of a

learning environment" (Haynes, 1996, p. 1).

While the school uniform has long been a

cornerstone of parochial and private schools, the

interest in uniforms for public schools gained its

first perceptible momentum in 1994 when the

Long Beach Unified School District in Long

Beach, California, adopted such a strategy for its

John A. Huss, Ph.D., is Assistant Professor in the College of

Education and Human Services, Educational Specialties, at Northern Kentucky University in Highland Heights, Kentucky.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed

to John Huss at hussj@nku.edu.

72,000 elementary and middle school students.

From these embryonic steps, interest has

remained steady, leading to school uniform

requirements in New York City; Dade County,

Florida; Baltimore, Maryland; Norfolk, Virginia;

Oakland, California; Charleston, South Carolina;

and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

Despite the trend, educators and the public

are clearly divided over the implementation of

such policies in public schools. Advocates for

school uniforms enumerate potential benefits

such as decreasing theft of designer clothing,

preventing gang colors, reducing peer pressure,

and erasing socioeconomic differences (U.S.

Department of Education, 1996) while oppo-

nents point to infringement on First Amendment

rights and students‘ natural tendencies to

experiment with their identities (Cohn & Siegal,

1996).

Despite the controversy, the power of the

uniform as a shared social symbol to instill a

mailto:hussj@nku.edu
32 HUSS

sense of group membership and encourage con-

formity to group norms has intrigued school

administrators seeking efficient strategies for

minimizing student jealousies and discrimina-

tion. School uniforms are tangible; they are seen

as a concrete and visible means of restoring

order to the classrooms. As such, social learning

theory rests on the premise human beings act

toward things on the basis of the meanings those

things have for them, and that such meanings

arise out of the interaction of the individual with

others. To many, uniforms conjure up visions of

private schools, which are perceived as safe,

secure, and orderly learning environments.

Extending knowledge in this area is

extremely important because the overall school

climate has as much to do with learning,

productive work, and self-concept as does

anything else in the educational program. Of all

the stakeholders who impact a school setting, the

classroom teacher, by virtue of his/her role as

leader, speaker, diplomat, and disciplinarian,

bears the single greatest responsibility for

structuring optimal learning environments for

students who have wide ranges of abilities,

interests, and needs. It is the teacher who is

present in the everyday setting, immersed and

connected with the students and the various

interactions, which take place around them.

Many studies examining the relationship

between school uniforms and school climate

have relied on the input of school administrators

for the generation of data. For example, in a

national survey of elementary and middle school

principals conducted by The National

Association of Elementary School Principals

(2000), 10% of the 755 respondents said that

their schools already had adopted a uniform

policy and another 11% were considering the

concept.

One of the earliest qualitative studies by

Peters (1996) revealed a greater sense of student

respect, a decrease in discipline problems, and a

―sense of belonging‖ after Garfield School in

Stockton, California, initiated a school uniform

policy during the 1995-96 academic year.

Garfield, a K-6 magnet school with 325 stu-

dents, served as a source of pride and stability

within a crime ravaged neighborhood in inner

city Stockton. Likewise, Hoffler-Riddick and

Lassiter (1996) examined a mandatory school

uniform policy in Norfolk, Virginia, public

schools and found a dramatic decline in

discipline infractions, increased attendance, and

improvement in the overall instructional climate.

Gregory (1996) used the Coopersmith Self-

Esteem Inventory to compare schools from

uniform and non-uniform inner city middle

schools. The responses were significant for the

subscales Total Self, General Self, and School-

Academic, with students in the uniform school

providing more positive responses. Murray

(1997) conducted a survey among South

Carolina middle school students to test the effect

of school uniforms on perceived school

environment. Both a school with a preexisting

uniform policy and one without were surveyed.

Students in the uniform school rated the climate

as more positive in 9 out of 10 subscales.

Tucker (1999) administered the National

Association of Secondary School Principals

(NASSP) Comprehensive Assessment of School

Environments (CASE) School Climate Survey

to 27 teachers in four urban St. Paul, Minnesota

middle schools. Two schools had implemented

uniforms while two had dress codes. Teachers

described an improvement in peer relations and

perceived their school environment to be more

positive and conducive to learning when

uniforms were worn. After garnering data from

415 urban middle school students and 83

teachers, Wade and Stafford (2003) discovered

perceptions of school climate did not vary for

students across uniform policies, yet teachers

from schools requiring uniforms perceived lower

levels of gang violence.

Brunsma and Rockquemore (1998) offered a

dissenting opinion when they used 10th-grade

data from The National Educational

Longitudinal Study of 1988 to empirically test

the claims made by uniform advocates. The

findings indicated student uniforms have no

direct effect on substance use, behavioral

problems, or attendance. Contrary to current

discourse, the authors found a negative correla-

tion between uniforms and student academic

achievement. The uniforms may indirectly affect

school environment by providing a visible and

public symbol of commitment to school

improvement and reform. Bodine (2003) refuted

Brunsma and Rockquemore‘s (1998) findings by

pointing out that their use of sector analysis was

SCHOOL UNIFORMS 33

misleading and led to erroneous claims.

According to Bodine, the authors alleged

uniforms correlate negatively with academic

achievement, but data presented in their article

actually showed positive correlation between

uniforms and achievement for the total sample

and for all but one school sector.

Several trends emerged from the literature.

While socioeconomic status was never overtly

stated as a variable in any of the studies, the

majority of research took place in urban areas

with high incidence of gang activity, violence,

and drug use. Other elements such as age,

gender, and race/ethnicity were not isolated.

Also, middle schools were popular sites for data

collection, and the predominant research designs

were empirical.

A conspicuous lack of qualitative studies

reveals a need for face-to-face interaction, and

the opportunity for in-depth probing of this

phenomenon that may contain complex,

interwoven variables of school climate, which

are difficult to reduce to numbers. Hence, this

study sought to provide contextualization by

using the actors' perspectives to search induc-

tively for patterns. Listening to the impressions

of schoolteachers who are in the midst of a novel

and untried school uniform policy may prove

valuable to other practitioners and policy makers

considering the implementation of such a uni-

form policy in a public school.

Method

Participants and Setting

Research was conducted at a K-5 public

elementary school in a city with a population of

approximately 24,000 which is centrally located

in the heart of a larger metropolitan area near

Cincinnati, Ohio. At the time of data collection

(2004-05 academic year), the predominantly

Caucasian school had an enrollment of 397

students. The median household income for

families in the district was $20,988, and roughly

20% of the students in the school were

considered ―economically disadvantaged‖ (i.e.

students from families receiving financial

assistance). The average pupil-to-teacher ratio

was 17:1. Figures from the 2003-04 state

proficiency tests indicated 28% of fourth graders

passed all five sections of the test, compared to a

state average of 38%. The average student

attendance rate was 94.7%, compared to a state

average of 93.6% (Ohio Department of

Education, 2005). The site did not fit the typical

profile of a high-risk setting rife with gang

activity and aggression. Rather, uniforms were

being initiated in a working class neighborhood

elementary school with a school culture

arguably less immoderate than those enumerated

in the literature.

The participants were six Caucasian

elementary teachers, both male and female,

ranging in age from mid-20s to late 40s. The

teachers, Ms. Anderson (mid-40‘s), Ms. Barry

(mid-30‘s), Mr. Clark (mid-40‘s), Mr. Davis

(mid-20‘s), Ms. Evans (early 40‘s), and Ms.

Flanagan (late 40‘s), all pseudonyms, each had a

minimum of five years K-12 teaching

experience. The mean age of teachers at the

school is 32 with the average years of

experience at 16.2. In order to attain an equitable

blend of teachers, one teacher from each grade-

level K-5 participated in the process. No new

teachers had been hired for the school year, so

each of the participants taught at the school prior

to the implementation of the school uniform

policy.

These six teachers represented 25% of the

total school faculty. Two sampling strategies

were utilized. Because one teacher from each

grade level was interviewed, the premise that

underlies stratified purposive sampling was

employed. In short, stratified purposive sam-

pling illustrates characteristics of particular sub-

groups of interest and facilitates comparisons.

Next, under the umbrella of criterion-based

selection, what LeCompte and Preissle (1997)

refer to as ―typical case selection‖ was appro-

priate. In this procedure, the researcher develops

a profile of attributes possessed by an average

case (teachers had taught at the school the

previous year and would therefore be able to

comment on aspects of school uniforms before

and after the policy) and then seeks instances of

this case.

As a former P-12 teacher, I was familiar

with daily school routines, protocols, expecta-

tions and challenges, which enabled me to gain

the trust of the teachers. They quickly saw I was

there to record and learn, not make suggestions

or judgments. To accommodate teachers' sched-

34 HUSS

ules, interviews and observations were arranged

at different times and on various days, which

actually facilitated my ability to experience the

school and classrooms at diverse times and

junctures throughout the academic year.

Instrumentation and Data Collection

This study follows the interpretive tradition

of case research inasmuch as there is no

objective reality that can be discovered by

researchers and necessarily replicated by others

(Walsham 1993; Broadbent, Darke, & Shanks,

1998). Interpretivism aims to understand phe-

nomena from the point of view of participants

directly involved with the phenomenon under

study (Cavaye, 1996). No specific hypothesis

testing occurred. The symbolic paradigm

(attribution theory, in particular) is certainly an

element within this study inasmuch as the focal

point of teacher perceptions centers on a school

uniform, which can be viewed as a monolithic

identifier, or symbol of membership in a specific

group. Blumer (1957) insisted the meanings of

objects are primarily a property of behavior and

depend only secondarily upon the intrinsic

character of the objects themselves. Meanings,

furthermore, are constructed and reaffirmed in

social interaction; they are shaped largely by the

actual and anticipated responses of others.

Central to data collection in this study was

the use of interviews involving open-ended,

probing questions. Two interviewing approaches

were employed, both occurring at three-month

intervals: one-on-one and focus group. Accord-

ing to Gay and Airasian (2006), interviews have

a unique purpose, namely, to acquire data not

obtainable in any other way. There are certain

things which simply cannot be observed, includ-

ing past events, events that occur outside of the

researcher‘s sphere of observation, and mental

processes. One cannot observe, for example, the

way things ―used to be‖ before the school

uniform policy was introduced or what an

individual teacher ―is thinking‖ about school

uniforms.

The interview format was modeled after

what Denzin (1978) called a nonscheduled

standardized interview wherein the same ques-

tions and probes are used for all respondents, but

the order in which they are posed may be

changed according to how individuals react.

Patton (1990) referred to this type of interview

as a standardized open-ended interview. Despite

the structured nature of the interview(s),

participants were given great latitude in shaping

the content of the process; fixed alternative

questions were not utilized. Teachers were asked

to respond to questions such as: What do you

like about school uni-forms? What do you dislike

about school uni-forms? What changes, if any,

have you seen or heard in the relationships

between students and teachers since students

began wearing uni-forms? Focus group

interviews involved bring-ing together all six

teachers to discuss the ongoing process of the

uniform implementation. The objective was not

debate or consensus, but open expression of

ideas and feelings.

For refinement and verification of research

data, physical and social pattern data were col-

lected through non-participant observation. I

paid particular attention to students entering and

exiting the building as well as student movement

from classroom to classroom or classroom to

library and cafeteria. I wanted to observe stu-

dents in situations where they were afforded

opportunities to interact with one another in a

more spontaneous manner than during formal

instructional times.

Triangulation of data was addressed through

the series of open-ended interviews, which

elicited different perspectives on the same issue.

Each interviewing "layer" contributed to the

overall trustworthiness of the data and increased

confidence in the research findings. If several

different people have similar stories, we have

more confidence in the insights we are gaining

than if only one person is interviewed. Further

assurance was provided through non-participant

observation and official school documentation

that compiled discipline referral information to

provide a record of the number and type of

student infractions so as to gauge one aspect of

overall school climate during the initial year of

the uniform policy.

Data Analysis

Although interview and field data were

stored, written, and displayed with computer

assistance, the bulk of coding, indexing, and

SCHOOL UNIFORMS 35

interpreting was performed manually. Interview

data were categorized into coding families based

upon regularities and patterns. This approach,

known as open coding, pertains specifically to

the naming and categorizing of basic concepts,

themes, and other phenomena through close

examination of the data bases (Strauss, 1987).

To accomplish this analysis, the transcribed

comments were first organized into categories

and analyzed for thematic (or contextual) uses of

keywords and phrases. To assess these issues,

categories were developed by grouping together

the most frequently occurring keywords (exam-

ple: words like ―respect‖ and ―excited‖). A com-

bined context of less frequently used keywords

was used to form other categories. A matrix of

data patterns was created.

Data were written up as a realist tale, which,

according to Van Maanen (1988), covers many

aspects that have relevance to the theme.

Because the research question revolves around

the perceptions of the teachers who are directly

involved and the voices they use to describe or

react to the phenomenon, the researcher was

absent from much, if not all, of the text. In a

realist tale, the "native's" point of view is

paramount and the author looks at fieldwork as

an observational and descriptive act. The

teachers are represented as "experts" and the

researcher as an unobtrusive observer.

Reliability and Validity

Like Heraclitus who could not step into the

same river twice (LeCompte & Preissle, 1997),

data in a study of this nature cannot be

replicated. External reliability was addressed,

how-ever, by a careful delineation of those who

provided the data, an explicit description of how

participants were selected, the context in which

interviews were conducted, and techniques used

to acquire and analyze data. Internal reliability

was addressed through mechanically recorded

data, which, according to LeCompte and Preissle

(1997), ―preserves all data, unabstracted‖

(p. 340). Regarding validity, ethnographic

analysis incorporates a researcher reflection,

introspection, and self-monitoring that can be

called disciplined subjectivity (McMillan &

Schumacher, 1997) wherein all phases of the

research are exposed to continual questioning

and reevaluation. Credibility of participant

reports was enhanced through independent

corroboration from multiple informants and

cross-group comparisons. The inclusion of

quantitatively measured attributes of the setting,

such as socioeconomic statuses and racial com-

position, served to demonstrate what Wolcott

(1973) called the ―typicality‖ of a phenomenon,

the extent to which it may be compared and

contrasted along relevant dimensions with other

phenomena. Collecting data through teachers

and non-participant observation mitigated obser-

vation-setting-interaction effects.

Results

Interviews with Mses. Anderson, Barry,

Evans, and Flanagan, and Messrs. Clark and

Davis, revealed that teachers had positive

perceptions of the overall school climate in their

public elementary school following the

implementation of a new school uniform policy.

An elaboration on these findings, augmented

through the voices of the teachers, follows.

(Comments are representative extractions from

hours of interviews.)

Teachers’ Perceptions of Socio/Emotional

Aspects of School Climate

Teachers perceived an increase in the level

of respect, caring, and trust demonstrated

throughout the school after the implementation

of the school uniform policy. According to

Mr. Clark, much of this increase was attributed

to ―a blurring of economic distinctions which

minimized a source of discrimination against

extremely low-income students.‖ Mr. Clark

added: ―I think the students treat one another

with more consideration and they are less apt to

ridicule certain children because they are not

wearing the ‗right‘ clothes.‖ Ms. Flangan noted,

―Some children come to school very conscious

of what they‘re wearing. You are not in the

group if you do not have a certain brand. So

much of that is played down if you have

uniforms.‖ Ms. Evans concurred:

When all students are wearing the same

outfit they are less concerned about how

they fit in with their peers. Kids can

develop strong feelings of inferiority

when they think they do not have the

36 HUSS

popular clothes. I don‘t see kids being

judged now by their classmates for not

having the ―right‖ clothes or for wearing

hand-me-downs.

Teachers perceived an elevation in the

overall morale at the school after the

implementation of the school uniform policy.

Ms. Barry used the term ―pride of affiliation,‖

Mr. Clark noticed a ―sense of belonging,‖ and

Ms. Anderson believed the students possessed a

―good feeling about being there.‖ Ms. Anderson

explained:

My class is a real enthusiastic group.

They really want to do this. They think

it makes us special, makes us stand out

because we‘re wearing uniforms. We

had children who wanted to come to this

school because you can go intra-district;

we just didn‘t have the space for them.

Ms. Barry recalled a precise incident when she

felt her students demonstrated increased self-

respect because of the uniform:

I remember we took the kids in my

grade on a field trip, and there were

other schools in the area who went to

the same destination. I think our stu-

dents felt proud when they stepped off

the bus and lined up, all wearing their

uniforms. We were like a team.

Mr. Davis had a similar observation: ―I think

there‘s been an increase in school spirit and

enthusiasm for the school; kids are talking about

the school colors and the uniforms.‖

Teachers perceived improvement in order

and discipline at the school, with all six

respondents citing ―fewer classroom disrupt-

tions‖ and ―fewer incidences of quarreling‖

among students. Ms. Barry explained, ―My kids

sit up and pay attention. They‘re quiet. I think

the school takes on a quieter, studious atmos-

phere. They‘re getting along. They‘re more

focused on their assignments.‖ Ms. Anderson

likewise noticed a greater sense of calmness in

her class:

There is less attention being paid to who

has what, fewer comments are made;

kids‘ self-esteem is not threatened.

Basically, I think uniforms take some of

the stress off of the students and they are

less apt to ―act-out in class.‖

Teachers perceived improvement in the

interpersonal relations between students after the

implementation of the school uniform policy.

Specific key phrases included ―reductions in

between-group stresses,‖ ―less jealousies,‖ and

―fewer artificial rankings or cliques.‖ Mr. Clark

commented, ―Students are not comparing them-

selves to everybody else. They see each other as

equals.‖ Ms. Flanagan was particularly pleased

with the female members of her classroom:

I think my girls are, perhaps, a little less

―catty.‖ You work with elementary girls

and they love to compare one another,

and I think that‘s been a little easier to

control this year. They still go at each

other‘s hair and things like that, ha ha,

but they‘re not getting into the clothes

this year a whole lot and I do believe the

uniforms have been a big factor with

that.

After the implementation of the school uni-

form policy, teachers perceived improvement in

the relations between students and teachers as

well. According to Ms. Barry, ―The kids wear-

ing uniforms are less cocky toward adults. The

kids wearing the uniforms are generally better

behaved—less ‗attitude.‘‖ Ms. Evans remarked

on the efforts of teachers to share the school

uniform experience with the children:

When the kids wear the uniforms, I

think they are more respectful to the

teachers. A lot of the teachers try to

motivate the students by wearing blue

and white themselves. It makes it like

we‘re all in this thing together.

Teachers’ Perceptions on Cognitive Aspects

of School Climate

Teachers perceived improvement in aca-

demic and achievement motivation, with

Ms. Barry noticing ―an increased sense of

responsibility by students‖ and Ms. Anderson

acknowledging ―a more effective use of

instructional time, and greater participation in

classroom activities.‖ Mr. Clark stated, ―Some-

times it seems like the kids who perform at the

lowest levels are the very kids who do not

comply with the policy.‖ Ms. Flangan explained:

I think the kids are more ―businesslike.‖

It‘s like when kids behave a little better

SCHOOL UNIFORMS 37

or act more grown up when they‘re

dressed up to go somewhere. I think I

see that attitude more. The kids in my

class who are responsible enough to

wear their uniforms are more respon-

sible in other areas---like homework,

like paying attention, like studying for

tests, the whole gamut.

Mr. Davis was in agreement:

I do have a high rate of kids bringing in

their homework, participating in discus-

sions, and being more responsible in

general about their schoolwork. They

seem more focused on school and less

on outside distractions like clothes.

They come across as much more

serious, serious about their work.

Ms. Evans expressed:

I think when students wear uniforms,

more learning is taking place because

they are less interested in what other

people are wearing, and they‘re not

wasting time sizing up the other guy or

gal. I think they focus more on their

work. The kids get more time on task

because there are fewer disruptions.

What the Numbers Said

According to school documentation for

discipline referrals provided by the principal, the

number of students assigned to the ―green room‖

(a room for students who have been removed

from the classroom and/or referred for

disciplinary action) averaged 11.67 during the

year preceding the implementation of the school

uniform policy and 11.71 during the first year of

the school uniform policy. So, while suspensions

dropped from five to three, the rate of discipline

referrals remained nearly the same. Infractions

for failure to comply with the uniform policy

were handled through the front office and did

not involve referral to the ―green room.‖

Discussion

Consistent with much of the growing

empirical and anecdotal literature that has

emerged throughout the past decade concerning

the positive contributions of school uniforms in

public school settings, the teachers who partici-

pated in this study likewise perceived improve-

ments in distinct aspects of school climate. The

respondents, both individually and as a group,

were unwavering in their support for uniforms.

Teachers perceived that uniforms enhanced

the learning environment by encouraging inte-

grality among students, enriching the quality of

interactions between faculty and students, and

improving discipline. According to the teachers,

students are made to feel ―important‖ and as if

they are a part of a team by wearing a uniform.

Because the kids believe they ―fit in,‖ they have

shown a greater propensity for class work and

have exhibited better attitudes toward being at

school. Teachers underscored a willingness by

students to put effort into learning, although

actual increases in student grades were not

communicated.

Such ardor demonstrated by the inter-

viewees, despite no statistical reduction in

student discipline referrals (referrals actually

increased by percentage points), may suggest

the presence of an expectation effect. If the

judged person exhibits an attractive character-

istic (wearing the school uniform), an individual

will be optimistic regarding other features of the

judged person. People develop points of view

very easily, frequently in an effort to label,

categorize, or understand subjects and objects of

life. According to Greenwald and Banaji (1995),

the implicit attitude is established without

conscious recognition of the source's influence.