Rolle rolle with a dab of ranch

Instructions for Essay Test – History 114

The essay test will consist of 5 short essays and 5 Identifications (IDs). You will need to use at least five (5) quotes from the book for the short essays, and at least three (3) quotes for the IDs. Each quote must be ​underlined​and in ​bold​type and in quotation marks and must be followed with the page number in parentheses, as in the following imaginary (not a real) example, which shows how much of a sentence you might use for the quote. DO NOT USE WHOLE SENTENCES OR WHOLE PARAGRAPHS FOR QUOTES. Here is an example on Lincoln:

Lincoln is an interesting case in point. He was an excellent politician, but also “​a great storyteller​.” (15) As the author notes, “​He often told funny anecdotes in his speeches​.​” (20) Beyond his politics and storytelling, Lincoln “​also believed in the occult, actually holding séances in the White House​”​in an attempt to reach his son who died during the Civil War. (11)

Note that the ​bolded and underlined quotes​(bolded, underlined ​and​with quotation marks) are the facts gleaned from the book

OTHER REQUIREMENTS (and checklist for submission into Canvas):

A.​ ​Use a 12-point readable font, such as Times New Roman, Arial, or Calibri. B.​ ​Underline and use bold​on quotes ​and also​put quotation marks around them, followed by the page number of the quote ​in parentheses​. C.​ ​Essays without underlined, bolded quotations and page references will lose 60 of the 100 points, before any additional deductions. You must use Rolle and Verge, ​California: A History​, 8​th​edition. DO NOT USE OTHER SOURCES. D.​ ​EACH of the first five items must have a minimum of five (5) quotes from the book, and EACH of the last five items (IDs) must have at least three (3) quotes. E.​ ​Be as comprehensive as possible in discussing each subject. F.​ ​IDs must include who, what, when, where and why (significance). G.​ ​Your short essays/IDs should not be more than 200 words each, and you must place the word count (excluding “a,” “an,” and “the”) at the end of each item. H.​ ​Put your essay in your own words. ​Do not plagiarize​. I.​ ​PROOFREAD​your items after cutting and pasting them into the answer blocks, because sometimes ​underlining​and other features will not translate directly into the block and you will have to manually make the changes.

The five short-essay items followed by the five ID items are as follows:

1.​ ​California’s Mexican Governors, and the most effective ones (and why). 2.​ ​Explain the divergent views about what the role of California should be during the Civil War. 3.​ ​Discuss the countries that were interested in possibly acquiring California. 4.​ ​Discuss the reasons why the Gold Rush was significant in California history. (Don’t discuss the Gold Rush itself. 5.​ ​California’s Spanish Governors, and the most effective ones (and why). These are the IDs 6.​ ​Mark Twain 7.​ ​Filibuster(er)s 8.​ ​California Missions, presidios, and pueblos 9.​ ​Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo 10.​ ​San Francisco Vigilantes

BECAUSE WE ARE ONLY ALLOWED TO USE THE BOOK FOR QUOTES AND REFERENCES I HAVE ATTACHED THE PARTS OF THE BOOK BELOW YOU WILL NEED TO COMPLETE THESE SHORT ESSAYS AND IDS. PLEASE MAKE SURE TO USE 5 QUOTES FOR THE FIRST 5 ESSAYS AND 3 QUOTES FOR EACH OF THE IDS. IT IS ALSO IMPORTANT FOR YOU TO BOLD AND UNDERLINE THOSE PARTS AS WELL AS PUT THE PAGE NUMBER AT THE END. EXAMPLE:

Lincoln is an interesting case in point. He was an excellent politician, but also “​a great storyteller​.” (15) As the author notes, “​He often told funny anecdotes in his speeches​.​” (20) Beyond his politics and storytelling, Lincoln “​also believed in the occult, actually holding séances in the White House​”​in an attempt to reach his son who died during the Civil War. (11)

Vigilantes question 10​- ​pages 126 and 129

At San Francisco, because law enforcement was so weak, a group of ​vigilantes​ took it upon themselves to stamp out crime. As municipal corruption had become entrenched, they enforced their own morality. Mob justice was condoned due to frustration over the failings of law and order. Naive amateurs with no legal background devised random punishments against drifters who had filtered back into the city from abandoned mining camps. In the

camps also, vigilance committees, animated by passion, were set up as “popular tribunals,” acting as “champions of justice and right.”After the discovery of gold, a glut of criminals seemed to paralyze municipal justice in San Francisco. In 1849 a band of toughs, who called themselves the “Hounds” or the “Regulators,” terrorized the city. The members of a similar group of hoodlums, known as the “Sydney Ducks,” had arrived from Great Britain's prison colony in Australia. They greatly flouted law and order at the Golden Gate. Honest residents noted their troublesome presence by saying: “The Sydney Ducks are cackling.”Nativism, a form of racial hatred, became entwined with the sordid activities of antiforeign gangs. On Sunday, July 15, 1849, a rowdy crowd of Regulators held a “patriotic” parade. After touring various saloons, where they demanded liquor and smashed windows, they began to assault Chilean families who lived in makeshift tents on San Francisco's sand dunes. Although a citizens’ court ultimately disciplined the Regulators, murderers and thieves continued to roam the city's streets. Indignant city elders arrested and sought to try offenders, supposedly in order to stop a kind of criminal delirium. By May of 1851, after a prominent merchant was assaulted and his safe burglarized, more formal charges were brought against such marauders.That year, 200 members of a “Committee of Vigilance of San Francisco” organized to eradicate public disorder. At the head of the committee to purge the city of vice was William Tell Coleman, a wealthy young merchant and importer who came to be called the “Lion of the ​Vigilantes​.” This new-found status made him one of San Francisco's future nabobs. Scarcely had the Committee of Vigilance formed when the city's fire bell rang out, beckoning its members to the Monumental Fire Engine House to consider the case of John Jenkins, a convict from Sydney, Australia, who had robbed a shipping office, making off with its strongbox. Jenkins boldly defied anyone to stop him. When several ​vigilantes​ sought to do so, he threw the box into San Francisco Bay. Within a few hours the ​vigilantes​ took Jenkins to Portsmouth Square. There, on a scaffold, a noose was draped round his neck and he was hanged until his eyes bulged out. San Francisco's “best citizens” heartily approved the guilty sentence. Sam Brannan and other ​vigilantes​ were charged by the coroner with too hasty an execution. But most San Franciscans approved of their harsh justice.Only five years after San Franciscans dissolved their first vigilance brigades, another vigilance committee formed there. This became the most reputable and orderly of all such groups. It actually regularized its proceedings, having regrouped only because crime had again increased. Indeed, the hangman's noose had faded from memory. About 1,000 unpunished murders had shocked San Franciscans from 1849 to 1856 alone.By stuffing ballot boxes and using toughs at polling places, corrupt officials had also become entrenched in San Francisco's municipal posts. Political lawlessness was related to the murder of James King of William, the gadfly editor of the ​Daily Evening Bulletin​. In his editorials, King had openly attacked prominent politicians, including James P. Casey, an unsavory and opportunistic local office holder. When Casey demanded an apology, he was ordered out of

the newspaper's editorial room. He then vowed he would kill King, who scoffed at this threat in his column of May 14, 1856. That evening, Casey approached the newspaperman on the street, drew a revolver, and pulled the trigger. As King breathed his last, Casey was locked up in the city jail. Three days later several thousand ​vigilantes​, enraged over this latest homicide, stormed the jail, seizing Casey and another accused murderer, Charles Cora. Both men were then sentenced to death before a vigilante tribunal. On May 22, 1856, as King's funeral cortege moved through the city streets, the ​vigilantes​ hanged both Casey and Cora.Within a fortnight, nearly 10,000 outraged men had rejoined the ​vigilantes​. This reactivated San Francisco Vigilance Committee of 1856 appointed its own chief of police and 25 policemen to supplement local law enforcement. But its roster remained secret, each member identified only by a number. Their leader once again was William Coleman, who organized them into squads of 100 men. Mass meetings at Sacramento, Stockton, and San Francisco showed how determined Coleman was to stamp out municipal crime.A new state “Law and Order” party, however, objected to the harsh verdicts of this latest vigilance committee. California's Supreme Court Justice, David S. Terry, lent his support to the Law and Order faction. Unfortunately for Terry, he became involved in a knifing fracas with one of the ​vigilantes​ and was indicted by the vigilance committee. Fortunately, the man he had stabbed did not die from the injury. After almost a month of embarrassing hearings, Judge Terry was acquitted.Meanwhile, Governor John Neely Johnson asked William Tecumseh Sherman, commander of the second division of the California militia, to aid him in the regularizing of the state's criminal punishments. The governor did not trust the vigilantes​. But Sherman, who later became a prominent Civil War general, could hardly cope with the volunteer forces he now faced. Some 6,000 of the ​vigilantes​ had personally taken up arms. Their headquarters, called “Fort Gunnybags,” was fortified by bags of sand piled ten feet high and six feet thick. Strongly armed, the ​vigilantes​ holed up in the building and produced a “black list” of offenders whom they wished to deport. Beginning on June 5, 1856, the committee sent three men off to Hawaii and three others to Panama. Only on August 18, 1856 did the avenging group dissolve itself, ending three months of virtual control over San Francisco.

GUADALUPE HIDALGO QUESTION 9​ -​PAGE 151

In 1846, the last year of the Mexican era, 87 rancho grants were made by Governor Pico alone, mostly to personal friends. Although the U.S. and Mexican Treaty of ​Guadalupe Hidalgo​ guaranteed protection and security to landowners, invading American land seekers were appalled at the sheer size of such grants. Two different legal traditions, the Spanish and the American, were about to collide. Old-time Californios suddenly came under extreme pressure to change their languid way of life. Rancheros had, perhaps for too long,

clung to their silver-trimmed saddles and horsemanship. The times were changing, and swiftly.After 1850, rancheros were stuck with herds of stunted cattle on overgrazed pastures. These animals had to be sold at prohibitively low prices because of rising costs. The rancheros also faced fierce competition from American cattle drovers who herded stronger Texas Longhorns into the new state. Land-hungry American squatters also challenged virtually any ranchero's right to hold huge grants intact. These avaricious newcomers, oblivious to personal property rights, roamed about the countryside, moving their covered wagons onto rancho tracts, using up scarce water, as well as grazing areas as they pleased. They even rounded up unbranded stray calves and cattle and claimed ownership thereof.Ranchos located near a creek or on a lake frontage were especially targeted by poachers. Overland cattle drovers stopped at such places to water their stock. These invading American homesteaders simply became permanent squatters. They asked what right had the Vallejos, the Argüellos, or the Swiss Captain Sutter to their seemingly regal estates of 11 or more square leagues? This, despite the fact that both Commodore Sloat's Proclamation and the subsequent Treaty of ​GuadalupeHidalgo​ guaranteed the Californios their existing grantee rights.

FILIBUSTERS QUESTION 7 - ​PAGE 131

The term ​filibuster​, today's prolonged speech-making to delay legislation, once had a far different connotation. In the late nineteenth century, rootless filibusterers took it upon themselves to go abroad ostensibly to “free” unprotected territory from foreign control. Filibustering was the product of a restless and youthful America, one convinced of its “manifest destiny” to expand toward the country's “natural frontiers.” Southerners, in particular, were attracted to filibustering as a way of spreading their cherished institution of slavery beyond the American South. Apologists for filibustering professed admiration for the courage of adventurers willing to shoulder rifles in foreign fields, seeing them as patriotic soldiers of fortune.Unsettled conditions in California in the 1850s stimulated filibustering as disillusioned gold seekers looked covetously beyond American territory for adventure. However, the filibustering expeditions that originated from California after its admission to statehood were uniformly unsuccessful. The first one, in 1851 under the leadership of Alexander Bell, was foolishly undertaken to reinstate a deposed president of Ecuador. That same year Sam Brannan, the apostate from Mormonism who had by now become a prominent Californian, led a party of adventurers to Hawaii. In his crazy attempt to capture those islands, Brannan was lucky to escape incensed Hawaiian pikemen who threatened to run their spears through him. Other adventurers used San Francisco as a base to raise small groups of ​filibusters​ who

mostly feuded among themselves. In 1851, Joseph Morehead's plan to take the spiny peninsula of Baja California proved equally futile. Most of his men deserted him in the field, and he was lucky to escape Mexican imprisonment.California's foreign population included other footloose adventurers. Among these were various Frenchmen who had fled their country as a result of the revolutionary movements of 1848. These failed aristocrats were captivated by plans to colonize Mexico. Three independent freebooters left their mark upon the history of both California and northern Mexico: the Marquis Charles de Pindray, Lepine de Sigondis, and Count Gaston de Raousset-Boulbon, known as “Little Wolf.” During the 1850s all three men led hopeless expeditions from California into Mexico, having been promised land there.In 1852, at the head of 260 men, Raousset-Boulbon sailed to Mexico to foment the independence of the state of Sonora. He unfortunately ignored warnings that he must placate local rivals. After 17 of his men were killed and 23 others were wounded, he left Mexico. In 1854, he courageously returned, this time with 500 recruits. After some of them were killed, he was tried on conspiracy charges and, at his own request, faced a firing squad without a blindfold.De Pindray, also a French noble, was skilled at handling weapons. He accepted an offer from the Mexican government to raise volunteers in California to protect the Sonora mines from Apache Indian raids. But, after his party landed at Guaymas on the west coast of Mexico, de Pindray was suddenly shot in the head, murdered by Indians or perhaps by one of his own renegades. The survivors hastily departed for San Francisco, where most of them had been recruited.The best known of all California ​filibusters​, however, was William Walker. A restless native of Tennessee, Walker arrived at San Francisco in June 1850. Following a short venture into journalism, during which his caustic pen landed him in jail, he entered into law practice at Marysville. Called “the gray-eyed man of destiny,” Walker wanted to bring about the independence of the Mexican states of Sonora and Baja California, where he also hoped to extend slavery. In 1854, Walker left the Golden Gate by ship with 48 followers and landed at La Paz. There he met another 200 seemingly sympathetic Mexicans. He then recklessly proclaimed the independent “Republic of Lower California.” He quickly abolished the short-lived “government” in order to launch the “Republic of Sonora,” with himself as its president. Even local Mexicans resented Walker's harsh punishment of deserters. By May of 1854, his group had been reduced to a paltry 35 adherents. When they finally returned to the United States via San Diego, they surrendered to American authorities. Although tried for violating U.S. neutrality laws, Walker was acquitted by a sympathetic jury.

Mark Twain question 6 - page 135

One obscure writer, Samuel Langhorne Clemens, better known later as ​Mark​ ​Twain​, took up mining in Nevada. When bad weather kept him from work in the diggings, he amused himself by writing burlesque sketches. Signed “Josh,” he sent these vignettes to the Territorial Enterprise​, a newspaper at Virginia City in today's Nevada. In 1862, ​Twain walked 130 miles from a bleak mining site to take a job on the ​Enterprise​ for $25 per week. Two years later ​Twain​ drifted into San Francisco, where he became a reporter for its Morning Call​. Among his friends in the city was a heroic firefighter named Tom Sawyer. In California, in a cabin near Angel's Camp, ​Twain​ wrote “The Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County.” The short story made him famous almost overnight, and he went on to write an entire book of mining tales, ​Roughing It​. His piercing satire of human failings out West remained at the heart of his almost instant success. ​Twain​'s later books applied what he had learned in California. His light touch, combined with fast-paced narration, captivated readers. After writing ​Innocents Abroad​ (1869), he lost touch with California and became an internationally famous figure.

5 Missions, Presidios, and Pueblos- for​ question 8 As it did in other sparsely settled parts of its far northern ​frontera​ (frontier) in its North American empire, the Spanish crown used three institutions to colonize California. These were its missions, ​presidios​(garrisoned frontier forts), and ​pueblos​ (small settlements or towns). The missions played the central role, as the other two agencies defended and supported the missions’ padres, whose purpose was the “saving” of the souls of “pagan” natives. Eventually, however, Spain transformed its converted peoples into a labor force. Future missionization would thereby become economically viable and further the expansion of the Spanish empire. By 1776, Father Serra hoped for an increase in the population of Alta California as well as expansion of its agricultural possibilities. He also wanted to build more missions. Eventually 21 of these formed a chain from San Diego to Sonoma. Each mission, some 30 miles apart, was separated by a day's travel on horseback along the so-called King's Highway, ​El Camino Real​ of the tourist literature, which in truth was little more than a dusty dirt road. Three requisites determined the choice of each mission site – arable soil for crops, an ample water supply, and a substantial local native population. By the time the 21 missions were established, the friars had in their possession much of the choicest land in the province. Eventually this lead to resentment by civilian leaders and settlers. The first mission buildings were mere huts of thatch and sticks, plastered with mud or clay, and roofed over with tile – not the adobe-brick or cut-stone buildings of today. The stone walls at Mission San Carlos Borroméo, near today's Carmel, were never seen by Father Serra, though he is buried there. The California padres, in their isolation, modified Moorish and Roman architectural styles to render structures appropriate to the environment. Thus “California mission architecture” is characterized by open courts, long colonnades, arches, and corridors. The typical

red-tiled mission roofs were one way to avoid fires in wooden structures. Destruction of earlier buildings by earthquakes led to the use of thick adobe walls reinforced with occasional buttresses. At the missions, the padres assumed a paternal attitude toward the Indians, treating them as wards. Typically, two friars ran each establishment, the elder of whom had charge of interior matters and religious instruction, while the younger attended to agricultural and outside work. Each mission was subject to the authority of a father-president for all of California. He in turn bowed to the orders of the College of San Fernando, headquarters of the Franciscans in Mexico. Except in the punishment of capital crimes, the friars had control of their native charges. Floggings and other corporal punishments were administered for unacceptable offenses. The missionaries defended their use of discipline on the ground that it was the only effective means of controlling unruly natives, the souls of whom they were trying to “save.” Some clerical scholars have countered accusations of harshness by the Franciscans toward California's aboriginal peoples. Flagellation, or use of rope ​disciplina​, as well as that of whips and the forced wearing of hairshirts, formed part of the clerical mortification of the flesh. Although delinquent natives were whipped, sometimes excessively, and some lost their lives due to poor sanitary conditions in and around the missions, one needs to place both the punishment and high mortality rates of those living at the missions within the context of eighteenth-century medical standards on a distant frontier. Nevertheless, most historians continue to consider treatment of the natives by the Spanish clergy and military as harsh, even inhumane. Those who were missionized did, indeed, suffer high casualty rates from a variety of causes. The missions were not devoted entirely to religious instruction. Each was also a school in which natives did daily work and were taught trades. Guided by the missionaries, some of whom were also musicians, weavers, carpenters, masons, architects, and physicians, the native peoples proved to be remarkably good students. The friars also put their own hands to the plow, raising enough food for mission use, and occasionally a surplus of cornmeal, wine, oil, hemp, hides, or tallow. These extra products were then exchanged in New Spain for scarce clothing, furniture, and tools. The missionaries also transplanted traditional Spanish crops to California. Orange, lemon, fig, date, and olive trees flourished in mission gardens, as did grape vineyards. Even cotton was grown at several of the missions alongside livestock. Among those who helped assure progress at the missions was the new viceroy, Antonio María Bucareli. He placed great faith in the leadership of Father Serra as well as Fathers Francisco Palóu and Fermín de Lasuén. Palóu had been among the last of the Franciscans to turn over their Lower California missions to the Dominican order. In 1773 he joined Serra in Upper California. Palóu was also the author of the first book ever written in California, ​Noticias de la Nueva California​; this and his ​Vida de Junípero Serra​ remain seminal works in California history.

Figure 5.1 Mission San Luis Rey, founded in 1798, from Robinson's “Life in California Before the Conquest,” 1846.

C. C. Pierce Collection, courtesy of the Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. Upon Serra's death, in 1784, the Franciscans had been in California nearly 16 years. At Santa Barbara, repeated attempts continued to anoint Serra to sainthood. The missions he founded eventually numbered 5,800 native converts. His successor, Lasuén, served as president of the order in California with distinction. He wanted California's presidios strengthened to protect the missions against native uprisings. To guard against foreign interlopers, each presidio was located at a strategic position, generally at the entrance of ports. Eventually small dwellings, inhabited principally by settlers, traders, and the families of garrisoned soldiers, grew up around the presidios. These were the pueblos. The presidial pueblos came to include San Diego, founded July 16, 1769; Monterey, June 3, 1770; San Francisco, September 17, 1776; and Santa Barbara, April 21, 1782. At first they were under military rule. The presidios themselves consisted of a square enclosure, surrounded by a ditch and rampart of earth or brick, within which were located a small church, quarters for officers and soldiers, civilian housing, storehouses, workshops, and cisterns. With only a few bronze cannons mounted on ramparts, and often without sufficient powder to discharge the weapons, not one of the coastal presidios could have stood up against an attack by a well-equipped ship of war. Indeed, they were maintained more as a symbolic warning against possible enemies, with little expectation of their serving well in a fight. In time the cannon rusted and the presidios took on an air of dilapidation. The duties of soldiers who manned the presidios included the care of outlying herds and flocks. They also cultivated the soil of nearby fields, utilizing native laborers, who for their hard work received such occasional rewards as a string of beads, an extra dish of porridge, a pair of shoes, or a piece of cloth. San Francisco's presidio was established largely through the efforts of Juan Bautista de Anza. He had a reputation as one of the significant trailbreakers and toughest Indian fighters of the West. Anza had long planned to explore and establish a route northwestward from Sonora to the northern California coast. Such a land passage would reduce the delay and perils of sea voyages, on which California still relied for contact with the outside world. Viceroy Bucareli, wishing to strengthen California's settlements, saw in Anza's proposal an opportunity not only to open a new land route, but also to send colonists north under the protection of a capable leader. Women settlers, as well as provisions and domestic animals, remained in great demand in the new province. Anza, in January of 1774, with the trails-priest Francisco Garcés as his guide, and a band of 34 men, set out westward from Tubac in northern Mexico. Theirs was the first sizeable crossing by Caucasians into California from the Colorado basin through the San Jacinto Mountains. A key to the success of this party was Father Garcés. Three years before, he had penetrated into California beyond the junction of the Colorado and Gila rivers, to the walls of the southern Sierra

range. Utilizing his expertise, Anza's party, on March 22, 1774, reached Mission San Gabriel in the Los Angeles basin, which had been founded three years before. Anza had opened up a new overland route some 2,200 miles long. In 1775, Viceroy Bucareli sent Anza with another party to Alta California. This group consisted of colonists recruited throughout Sinaloa and Sonora. On October 23, Anza again left Tubac, leading a group of 240 men, women, and children, along with a herd of 800 cattle, beyond the Colorado River to Mission San Gabriel, and then on to Monterey. A few colonists accompanied him farther north. They settled near the shore of a great bay which they named San Francisco. On September 17, 1776 – a little more than two months after the American Declaration of Independence was signed – Anza dedicated the Presidio of San Francisco de Asís. On October 9, Mission Dolores was founded by Father Palóu. The viceroy had also sent Captain Juan Manuel Ayala, in command of the vessel ​San Carlos​, to explore the area's vast bay, which as yet still had no name. No ship had yet passed through the entrance to the bay, known even then as Golden Gate, and Ayala feared danger along its narrow, rocky shoreline. At nightfall on August 5, 1775, the ​San Carlos​ moved into the bay, cautiously dropping her lead line until she reached today's North Beach. Ayala named San Francisco Bay's two islands ​Nuestra Señora de los Angeles​ (Our Lady of the Angels) shortened later to Angel Island, and ​Alcatraz​ (Pelican), because of the large number of those birds flying over it.